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Capt. John Underbill's History of the Pequot War, ... 1 

P. Vincent's History of the Pequot War, 29 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges's Description of New-England, . . 45 

Capt. John Smith's Description of New-England, ... 95 
An Account of the Captivity of Hugh Gibson among the Delaware 

Indians from 1756 to 1759, 141 

Rev. Samuel Niles's History of the Indian and French Wars, . 154 
Col. Juan Galindo's Letter to the Hon. Thomas L. Winthrop, . 280 
President Quincy's Letter to the Society, ..... 283 
Gen. Mattoon's Letter to President Quincy, .... 283 
Bill of Mortality for the City of Boston for the year 1836, . . 285 
Description of American Medals. By J. Francis Fisher, of Phila- 
delphia, . - . 286 

Acknowledgment of Donations, . . . . . . . 294 

















Hon. JOHN DAVIS, L. L. D. 








New England ; 



War-like proceedings these two yeares last 

past, with a Figure of the Indian Fort, 
or Palizado. 

Also a discovery of these 
places, that as yet have 
very few or no Inhabi- 
tants, which would yeeld 
speciall accommodation 
to such as will Plant 


" QueenapoicJc. 
Hudson's River. 
Long Island. 
Marlins Vineyard. 

JSaransett Bay. 
Elizabeth Isla?ids. 
Cas~ko, with about a hun- 
dred Islands neere to 

By Captaine Iohn Underhill, a Commander 
in the Warres there. 


Printed by J. D. for Peter Cole, and are to be sold at the signe 

of the Glove in Corne-hill neere the 

Royall Exchange. 1638. 

[Capt. John Underhill, the author of this History of the Pequot War, 
was one of the first planters of Massachusetts, one of the three first depu- 
ties from Boston to the General Court, and one of the earliest officers of 
the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. Further particulars of 
his chequered life and eccentric character may be found in Eliot's Biogra- 
phical Dictionary, and more abundantly in Gov. Winthrop's History of 
New England. 

The following Tract being exceedingly rare, only one copy being known 
to exist on this side of the Atlantic, belonging to the Library of Harvard 
University, it was thought desirable to perpetuate it by multiplying copies 
of it in our Historical Collections. Mason's History of the same war is 
contained in the 8th volume of our second series, and Lion Gardiner's in 
the 3d volume of the third series. Publishing Committee.] 

News from America, or a late and 

experimental discovery of New England. 

1 SHALL not spend time (for my other occasions will not 
permit) to write largely of every particular, but shall, as 
briefly as I may, perform these two things ; first, give a true 
narration of the warlike proceedings that hath been in New 
England these two years last past ; secondly, I shall dis- 
cover to the reader divers places in New England, that 
would afford special accommodations to such persons as will 
plant upon them. I had not time to do either of these as 
they deserved; but wanting time to do it as the nature of the 
thing required, I shall, according to my ability, begin with a 
relation of our warlike proceedings, and will interweave 
the special places fit for new plantations, with their de- 
scription, as I shall find occasion, in the following discourse. 
But I shall, according to my promise, begin with a true rela- 
tion of the New England wars against the Block Islanders, 
and that insolent and barbarous nation, called the Pequeats, 
whom, by the sword of the Lord, and a few feeble instru- 
ments, soldiers not accustomed to war, were drove out of 
their country, and slain by the sword, to the number of fif- 
teen hundred souls, in the space of two months and less ; so 
as their country is fully subdued and fallen into the -hands 
of the English. And to the end that God's name might 
have the glory, and his people see his power, and magnify 
his honor for his great goodness, I have endeavored, accord- 
ing to my weak ability, to set forth the full relation of the 
war, from the first rise to the end of the victory. 

The cause of our war against the Block Islanders, was 
for taking away the life of one Master John Oldham, who 
made it his common course to trade amongst the Indians. 

4 Capt. John UnderhilVs 

He coming to Block Island to drive trade with them, the 
islanders came into his boat, and having got a full view of 
commodities which gave them good content, consulted how 
they might destroy him and his company, to the end they 
might clothe their bloody flesh with his lawful garments. 
The Indians having laid the plot, into the boat they came 
to trade, as they pretended ; watching their opportunities, 
knocked him in the head, and martyred him most barba- 
rously, to the great grief of his poor distressed servants, 
which by the providence of God were saved. This island 
lying in the road way to Lord Sey and the Lord Brooke's 
plantation, a certain seaman called to John Gallop, master 
of the small navigation standing along to the Mathettuusis 
Bay, and seeing a boat under sail close aboard the island, 
and perceiving the sails to be unskilfully managed, bred in 
him a jealousy, whether that the island Indians had not 
bloodily taken the life of our countrymen, and made them- 
selves master of their goods. Suspecting this, he bore up to 
them, and approaching near them was confirmed that his 
jealousy was just. Seeing Indians in the boat, and knowing 
her to be the vessel of Master Oldham, and not seeing him 
there, gave fire upon them and slew some ; others leaped 
overboard, besides two of the number which he preserved 
alive and brought to the Bay. The blood of the innocent 
called for vengeance.. ' God stirred up the heart of the hon- 
ored Governor, Master Henry Vane, and the rest of the 
worthy Magistrates, to send forth a hundred well appointed 
soldiers, under the conduct of Captain John Hendicot, and 
in company with him that had command, Captain John Un- 
derbill, Captain Nathan Turner, Captain William Jenning- 
son, besides other inferior officers. I would not have the 
world wonder at the great number of commanders to so 
few men, but know that the Indians' fight far differs from 
the Christian practice ; for they most commonly divide them- 
selves into small bodies, so that we are forced to neglect 
our usual way, and to subdivide our divisions to answer 
theirs, and not thinking it any disparagement to any cap- 
tain to go forth against an enemy with a squadron of men, 
taking the ground from the old and ancient practice, when 
they chose captains, of hundreds and captains of thousands, 
captains of fifties and captains of tens. We conceive a cap- 
tain signifieth the chief in way of command of any body 

History of the Pequot War. 5 

committed to his charge for the time being, whether of more 
or less, it makes no matter in power, though in honor it does. 
Coming to an anchor before the island, we espied an Indian 
walking by the shore in a desolate manner, as though he had 
received intelligence of our coming. Which Indian gave 
just ground to some to conclude that the body of the people 
had deserted the island. 

But some knowing them for the generality to be a warlike 
nation, a people that spend most of their time in the study 
of warlike policy, were not persuaded that they would upon 
so slender terms forsake the island, but rather suspected 
they might lie behind a bank, much like the form of a bar- 
ricado. Myself with others rode with a shallop, made to- 
wards the shore, having in the boat a dozen armed soldiers. 
Drawing near to the place of landing, the number that rose 
from behind the barricado were between fifty or sixty able 
fighting men, men as straight as arrows, very tall, and of active 
bodies, having their arrows notched. They drew near to the 
water side, and let fly at the soldiers, as though they had 
meant to have made an end of us all in a moment. They 
shot a young gentleman in the neck through a collar, for 
stiffness as if it had been an oaken board, and entered his 
flesh a good depth. Myself received an arrow through my 
coat sleeve, a second against my helmet on the forehead; so 
as if God in his providence had not moved the heart of my 
wife to persuade me to carry it along with me, (which I was 
unwilling to do), I had been slain. Give me leave to observe 
two things from hence ; first, when the hour of death is not 
yet come, you see God useth weak means to keep his purpose 
unviolated ; secondly, let no man despise advice and coun- 
sel of his wife, though she be a woman. It were strange 
to nature to think a man should be bound to fulfil the hu- 
mor of a woman, what arms he should carry ; but you see 
God will have it so, that a woman should overcome a man. 
What with Delilah's flattery, and with her mournful tears, 
they must and will have their desire, when the hand of God 
goes along in the matter ; and this is to accomplish his own 
will. Therefore let the clamor be quenched I daily hear in 
my ears, that New England men usurp over their wives, 
and keep them in servile subjection. The country is wTonged 
in this matter, as in many things else. Let this precedent 
satisfy the doubtful, for that comes from the example of a 

6 Capt. John UnderhilVs 

rude soldier. If they be so courteous to their wives, as to 
take their advice in warlike matters, how much more kind 
is the tender, affectionate husband to honor his wife as the 
weaker vessel ? Yet mistake not. I say not that they are 
bound to call their wives in council, though they are bound 
to take their private advice (so far as they see it' make for 
their advantage and their good) ; instance Abraham. But 
to the matter. The arrows flying thick about us, we made 
haste to the shore ; but the surf of the sea being great, hin- 
dered us, so as we could scarce discharge a musket, but 
were forced to make haste to land. Drawing near the shore 
through the strength of wind, and the hollowness of the sea, 
we durst not adventure to run ashore, but were forced to 
wade up to the middle; but once having got up off our legs, 
we gave fire upon them. They finding our bullets to outreach 
their arrows, they fled before us. In the meanwhile Colonel 
Hindecot made to the shore, and some of this number also 
repulsed him at his landing, but hurt none. We thought they 
would stand it out with us, but they perceiving we were in 
earnest, fled ; and left their wigwams, or houses, and provi- 
sion to the use of our soldiers. Having set forth our senti- 
nels, and laid out our pardues, we betook ourselves to the 
guard, expecting hourly they would fall upon us ; but they 
observed the old rule, 'Tis good sleeping in a whole skin, 
and left us free from an alarm. ■ 

The next day we set upon our march, the Indians being 
retired into swamps, so as we could not find them. We burnt 
and spoiled both houses and corn in great abundance ; but 
they kept themselves in obscurity. Captain Turner step- 
ping aside to a swamp, met with some few Indians, and 
charged upon them, changing some few bullets for arrow r s. 
Himself received a shot upon the breast of his corselet, as if 
it had been pushed with a pike, and if he had not had it on, 
he had lost his life. 

A pretty passage worthy observation. We had an Indian 
with us that was an interpreter ; being in English clothes, 
and a gun in his hand, was spied by the islanders, which 
called out to him, What are you, an Indian or an English- 
man ? Come hither, saith he, and I will tell you. He pulls up 
his cock and let fly at one of them, and without question 
was the death of him. Having spent that day in burning 
and spoiling the island, we took up the quarter for that 

History of the Pequot War. 7 

night. About midnight myself went out with ten men about 
two miles from our quarter, and discovered the most emi- 
nent plantation they had in the island, where was much 
corn, many wigwams, and great heaps of mats ; but fearing 
less we should make an alarm by setting fire on them, we 
left them as we found them, and peaceably departed to our 
quarter ; and the next morning with forty men marched up 
to the same plantation, burnt their houses, cut down their 
corn, destroyed some of their dogs instead of men, which 
they left in their wigwams. 

Passing on toward the water side to embark our soldiers, 
we met with several famous wigwams, with great heaps of 
pleasant corn ready shelled ; but not able to bring it away, 
we did throw their mats upon it, and set fire and burnt it. 
Many well-wrought mats our soldiers brought from thence, 
and several delightful baskets. We being divided into two 
parts, the rest of the body met with no less, I suppose, than 
ourselves did. The Indians playing least in sight, we spent 
our time, and could no more advantage ourselves than we 
had already done, and having slain some fourteen, and 
maimed others, we embarked ourselves, and set sail for 
Seasbrooke fort, where we lay through distress of weather 
four days ; then we departed. 

The Pequeats having slain one Captain Norton, and Cap- 
tain Stone, with seven more of their company, order was 
given us to visit them, sailing along the Nahanticot shore 
with five vessels. The Indians spying of us came running in 
multitudes along the water side, crying, What cheer, Eng- 
lishmen, what cheer, what do you come for ? They not 
thinking we intended war, went on cheerfully until they 
come to Pequeat river. We thinking it the best way, did 
forbear to answer them ; first, that we might the better be 
able to run through the work; secondly, that by delaying 
of them, we might drive them in security, to the end we 
might have the more advantage of them. But they seeing 
we would make no answer, kept on their course, and cried, 
What, Englishmen, what cheer, what cheer, are you hogge- 
ry, will you cram us ? That is, are you angry, will you 
kill us, and do you come to fight ? That night the Nahan- 
ticot Indians, and the Pequeats, made fire on both sides of 
the river, fearing w*e would land in the night. They made 
most doleful and woful cries all the night, (so that we could 

8 Copt. John UnderhilVs 

scarce rest) hallooing one to another, and giving the word 
from place to place, to gather their forces together, fearing 
the English were come to war against them. 

The next morning they sent early aboard an ambassador, 
a grave senior, a man of good understanding, portly car- 
riage, grave and majestical in his expressions. He demanded 
of us what the end of our coming was. To which we answered, 
that the governors of the Bay sent us to demand the heads 
of those persons that had slain Captain Norton and Captain 
Stone, and the rest of their company, and that it was not 
the custom of the English to suffer murderers to live ; and 
therefore, if they desired their own peace and welfare, they 
will peaceably answer our expectation, and give us the 
heads of the murderers. 

They being a witty and ingenious nation, their ambassa- 
dor labored to excuse the matter, and answered, We know 
not that any of ours have slain any English. True it is, 
saith he, we have slain such a number of men ; but consider 
the ground of it. Not long before the coming of these Eng- 
lish into the river, there was a certain vessel that came to 
us in way of trade. We used them well, and traded with 
them, and took them to be such as would not wrong us in 
the least matter. But our sachem or prince coming aboard, 
they laid a plot how they might destroy him ; which plot dis- 
covered itself by the event, as followeth. They keeping their 
boat aboard, and not desirous of our company, gave us leave 
to stand hallooing ashore, that they might work their mis- 
chievous plot. But as we stood they called to us, and de- 
manded of us a bushel of wampam-peke, which is their 
money. This they demanded for his ransom. This peal did 
ring terribly in our ears, to demand so much for the life of 
our prince, whom we thought was in the hands of honest 
men, and we had never wronged them. But we saw there 
was no remedy ; their expectation must be granted, or else 
they would not send him ashore, which they promised they 
would do, if we would answer their desires. We sent them 
so much aboard, according to demand, and they, according 
to their promise, sent him ashore,* but first slew him. This 
much exasperated our spirits, and made us vow a revenge. 
Suddenly after came these captains with a vessel into the 

• This was noways true of the English, but a devised excuse. 

History of the Pequot War. 9 

river, and pretended to trade with us, as the former did. We 
did not discountenance them for the present, but took our 
opportunity and came aboard. The sachem's son succeeding 
his father, was the man that came into the cabin of Captain 
Stone, and Captain Stone having drunk more than did him 
good, fell backwards on the bed asleep. The sagamore took 
his opportunity, and having a little hatchet under his gar- 
ment, therewith knocked him in the head. Some being upon 
the deck and others under, suspected some such thing ; for 
the rest of the Indians that were aboard, had order to pro- 
ceed against the rest at one time ; but the English spying 
treachery, run immediately into the cook-room, and, with 
a fire-brand, had thought to have blown up the Indians by 
setting fire to the powder. These devil's instruments spying 
this plot of the English, leaped overboard as the powder 
was a firing, and saved themselves; but all the English were 
blown up. This was the manner of their bloody action. Saith 
the ambassador to us, Could ye blame us for revenging so 
cruel a murder ? for we distinguish not between the Dutch 
and English, but took them to be one nation, and therefore 
we do not conceive that we wronged you, for they slew our 
king ; and thinking .these captains to be of the same nation 
and people as those that slew him, made us set upon this 
course of revenge. 

Our answer was, They were able to distinguish between 
Dutch and English, having had sufficient experience of both 
nations ; and therefore, seeing you have slain the king of 
England's subjects, we come to demand an account of their 
blood, for we ourselves are liable to account for them. The 
answer of the ambassador was, We know no difference be- 
tween the Dutch and the English ; they are both strangers 
to us, we took them to be all one ; therefore we crave par- 
don ; we have not wilfully wronged the English. — This 
excuse will not serve our turns, for we have sufficient testi- 
mony that you know the English from the Dutch. We must 
have the heads of those persons that have slain ours, or else 
we will fight with you. He answered, Understanding the 
ground of your coming, I will entreat you to give me liberty 
to go ashore, and I shall inform the body of the people what 
your intent and resolution is ; and if you will stay aboard, I 
will bring you a sudden answer. 

We did grant him liberty to get ashore, and ourselves 

10 Capt. John Underhill's 

followed suddenly after before the war was proclaimed. He 
seeing us land our forces, came with a message to entreat 
us to come no nearer, but stand in a valley, which had 
between us and them an ascent, that took our sight from 
them ; but they might see us to hurt us, to our prejudice. 
Thus from the first beginning to the end of the action, they 
carried themselves very subtilely ; but we, not willing to be 
at their direction, marched up to the ascent, having set our 
men in battalia. He came and told us he had inquired for the 
sachem, that we might come to a parley; but neither of both 
of the princes were at home ; they were gone to Long 

Our reply was, We must not be put off thus, we know T the 
sachem is in the plantation, and therefore bring him to us, 
that we may speak with him, or else we will beat up the 
drum, and march through the country, and spoil your corn. 
His answer, If you will but stay a little while, I will step to 
the plantation and seek for them. We gave them leave to 
take their own course, and used as much patience as ever 
men might, considering the gross abuse they offered us, 
holding us above an hour in vain hopes. They sent an Indian 
to tell us that Mommenoteck was found, and would appear 
before us suddenly. This brought us to a new stand the space 
of an hour more. There came a third Indian persuading us 
to have a little further patience, and he would not tarry, for 
he had assembled the body of the Pequeats together, to 
know who the parties were that had slain these Englishmen. 
But seeing that they did in this interim convey away their 
wives and children, and bury their chiefest goods, we per- 
ceived at length they would fly from us; but we were patient 
and bore with them, in expectation to have the greater blow 
upon them. The last messenger brought us this intelli- 
gence from the sachem, that if we would but lay down our 
arms, and approach about thirty paces from them, and meet 
the heathen prince, he would cause his men to do the like, 
and then we shall come to a parley. 

But we seeing their drift was to get our arms, we rather 
chose to beat up the drum and bid them battle. Marching 
into a champaign field we displayed our colors ; but none 
would come near us, but standing remotely off did laugh at us 
for our patience. We suddenly set upon our march, and 
gave fire to as many as we could come near, firing their 

History of the Pequot War. 1 1 

wigwams, spoiling their corn, and many other necessaries 
that they had buried in the ground we raked up, which the 
soldiers had for booty. Thus we spent the day burning and 
spoiling the country. Towards night embarked ourselves. 
The next morning, landing on the Nahanticot shore, where 
we were served in like nature, no Indians would come near 
us, but run from us, as the deer from the dogs. But having 
burnt and spoiled what we could light on, we embarked our 
men, and set sail for the Bay. Having ended this exploit, 
came off, having one man wounded in the leg ; but certain 
numbers of theirs slain, and many wounded. This was the 
substance of the first year's service. Now followeth the ser- 
vice performed in the second year. 

This insolent nation, seeing we had used much lenity 
towards them, and themselves not able to make good use of 
our patience, set upon a course of greater insolenca than 
before, and slew all they found in their way. They came 
near Seabrooke fort, and made many proud challenges, and 
dared them out to fight. I 

The lieutenant went out with ten armed men, and starting 
three Indians they changed some few shot for arrows. Pur- 
suing them, a hundred more started out of the ambushments, 
and almost surrounded him and his company; and some they 
slew, others they maimed, and forced them to retreat to 
their fort, so that it was a special providence of God that 
they were not all slain. Some of their arms they got from 
them, others put on the English clothes, and came to the 
fort jeering of them, and calling, Come and fetch your Eng- 
lishmen's clothes again ; come out and fight, if you dare ; 
you dare not fight ; you are all one like women. We have one 
amongst us that if he could kill but one of you more, he 
would be equal with God, and as the Englishman's God is, 
so would he be. This blasphemous speech troubled the hearts 
of the soldiers, but they knew not how to remedy it, in re- 
spect of their weakness. 

The Conetticot plantation, understanding the insolence of 
the enemy to be so great, sent down a certain number of 
soldiers, under the conduct of Captain John Mason, for to 
strengthen the fort. The enemy lying hovering about the 
fort, continually took notice of the supplies that were come, 
and forbore drawing near it as before ; and letters were 
immediately sent to the Bay, to that right worshipful gentle- 

12 Capt. John UnderhilVs 

man, Master Henry Vane, for a speedy supply to strengthen 
the fort. For assuredly without supply suddenly came, in 
reason all would be lost, and fall into the hands of the ene- 
my. This was the trouble and perplexity that lay upon the 
spirits of the poor garrison. Upon serious consideration, 
the governor and council sent forth myself, with twenty 
armed soldiers, to supply the necessity of those distressed 
persons, and to take the government of that place for the 
space of three months. Relief being come, Captain John 
Mason, with the rest of his company, returned to the planta- 
tion again. We sometimes fell out, with a matter of twenty 
soldiers, to see whether we could discover the enemy or no. 
They seeing us (lying in ambush) gave us leave to pass by 
them, considering we were too hot for them to meddle with 
us. Our men being completely armed, with corselets, mus- 
kets, .bandoleers, rests, and swords, (as they themselves 
related afterward), did much daunt them. Thus we spent a 
matter of six weeks before we could have anything to do 
with them, persuading ourselves that all things had been 
well. But they seeing there was no advantage more to be 
had against the fort, they enterprised a new action, and fell 
upon Watertowne, now called Wethersfield, with two hun- 
dred Indians. Before they came to attempt the place, they 
put into a certain river, an obscure small river running into 
the main, where they encamped, and refreshed themselves, 
and fitted themselves for their service, and by break of day 
attempted their enterprise, and slew nine men, women and 
children. Having finished their action, they suddenly returned 
again, bringing with them two maids captives, having put 
poles in their canoes, as we put masts in our boats, and 
upon them hung our English men's and women's shirts and 
smocks, instead of sails, and in way of bravado came along 
in sight of us as we stood upon Seybrooke fort. And seeing 
them pass along in such a triumphant manner, we much 
fearing they had enterprised some desperate action upon the 
English, we gave fire with a piece of ordnance, and shot 
among their canoes. And though they were a mile from 
us, yet the bullet grazed not above twenty yards over the 
canoe, where the poor maids were. It was a special provi- 
dence of God it did not hit them, for then should we have 
been deprived of the sweet observation of God's providence 
in their deliverance. We were not able to make out after 

History of the Pequot War. 13 

them, being destitute of means, boats, and the like. Before 
we proceed any farther to a full relation of the insolent pro- 
ceeding of this barbarous nation, give me leave to touch 
upon the several accommodations that belong to this Sey- 
brooke fort. 

This fort lies upon a river called Conetticot, at the mouth 
of it, a place of a very good soil, good meadow, divers sorts 
of good wood, timber, variety of fish of several kinds, fowl 
in abundance, geese, ducks, brankes, teals, deer, roebuck, 
squirrels, which are as good as our English rabbits. Pity it 
is so famous a place should be so little regarded. It lies to 
the northwest of that famous place called Queenapiok, 
which rather exceeds the former in goodness. It hath a fair 
river, fit for harboring of ships, and abounds with rich and 
goodly meadows. This lies thirty miles from the upper plan- 
tations, which are planted on the river Conetticot. Twelve 
miles above this plantation is situated a place called Agua- 
wam, no way inferior to the forenamed places. This country 
and those parts do generally yield a fertile soil, and good 
meadow all the rivers along. The river Conetticot is navi- 
gable for pinnaces sixty miles ; it hath a strong fresh stream 
that descends out of the hills. The tide flows not above half 
way up the river. The strength of the freshet that comes 
down the river is so strong, that it stoppeth the force of the 

The truth is, I want time to set forth the excellence of the 
whole country ; but if you would know the garden of New 
England, then must you glance your eye upon Hudson's 
river, a place exceeding all yet named. The river affords 
fish in abundance, as sturgeon, salmon, and many delicate 
varieties of fish that naturally lies in the river ; the only 
place for beaver that we have in those parts. Long Island 
is a place worth the naming, and generally affords most of 
the aforesaid accommodations. Nahanticot, Martin's Vine- 
yard, Pequeat, Narraganset Bay, Elizabeth Islands, all these 
places are yet uninhabited, and generally afford good accom- 
modation ; as a good soil, according as we have expressed, 
they are a little inferior to the former places. The Narra- 
ganset Bay is a place for shipping, so spacious, as it will 
contain ten thousand sail of ships. Capcod, New Plimouth, 
Dukesbury, and all those parts, well accommodated for 
the receiving of people, and yei few are there planted, con- 

14 Capt. John TJnderhilVs 

siderino* the spaciousness of the place. The Bay itself, 
although report goes it is full, and can hardly entertain any 
more, yet there are but few towns but are able to receive 
more than they have already, and to accommodate them in 
a comfortable measure. 

The northern plantations, and eastern, as Puscataway, 
would not be neglected ; they are desirable places, and lie 
in the heart of fishing. Puscataway is a river navigable for 
a ship of a hundred tons some six leagues up. With boats 
and pinnaces you may go a great way further. It is the only 
key of the country for safety. With twelve pieces of ord- 
nance, will keep out all the enemies in the world. The mouth 
of the river is narrow, lies full upon the southeast sea ; so 
as there is no anchoring without, except you hazard ship 
and men. It is accommodated with a good soil, abundance 
of good timber ; meadows are not wanting to the place. Pity 
it is it hath been so long neglected. 

Augumeaticus is a place of good accommodation ; it lies 
five miles from Puscataway river, where Sir Ferdinando 
Gorge hath a house. It is a place worthy to be inhabited, a 
soil that bears good corn, all sorts of grain, flax, hemp, the 
country generally will afford. There was grown in Puscat- 
away the last year, and in the Bay, as good English grain as 
can grow in any part of the world. Casko hath a famous, 
bay, accommodated with a hundred islands, and is fit for 
plantation, and hath a river belonging to it, which doth af- 
ford fish in abundance, fowl also in great measure. So full 
of fowl it is, that strangers may be supplied with variety of 
fowl in an hour or two after their arrival, which knew not 
how to be relieved before. Because the place in general is 
so famous, and well known to all the world, and chiefly to 
our English nation (the most noblest of this Commonwealth), 
I therefore forbear many particulars which yet might be 
expressed. And in regard of many aspersions hath been 
cast upon all the country, that it is a hard and difficult place 
for to subsist in, and that the soil is barren, and bears little 
that is good, and that it can hardly receive more people 
than those that are there, I will presume to make a second 
digression from the former matter, to the end I might en- 
courage such as desire to plant there. 

There are certain plantations, Dedham, Concord, in the 
Mathethusis Bay, that are newly erected, that do afford 

. History of the Pequot War. 15 

large accommodation, and will contain abundance of people. 
But I cease to spend time in matters of this nature, since 
my discourse tends to warlike story. But I crave pardon for 
my digression. 

I told you before, that when the Pequeats heard and saw 
Seabrooke fort was supplied, they forbore to visit us. But 
the old serpent, according to his first malice, stirred them 
up against the church of Christ, and in such a furious man- 
ner, as our people were so far disturbed and affrighted with 
their boldness that they scarce durst rest in their beds ; 
threatening persons and cattle to take them, as indeed they 
did. So insolent were these wicked imps grown, that like 
the devil, their commander, they run up and down as roar- 
ing lions, compassing all corners of the country for a prey, 
seeking whom they might devour. It being death to them 
for to rest without some wicked employment or other, they 
still plotted how they might wickedly attempt some bloody 
enterprise upon our poor native countrymen. 

One Master Tilly, master of a vessel, being brought to an 
anchor in Conetticot river, went ashore, not suspecting the 
bloody-mindedness of those persons, who fell upon him and 
a man with him, whom they wickedly and barbarously slew ; 
and, by relation, brought him home, tied him to a stake, flayed 
his skin off, put hot embers between the flesh and the skin, 
cut off his fingers and toes, and made hatbands of them ; 
thus barbarous was their cruelty! Would not this have 
moved the hearts of men to hazard blood, and life, and all 
they had, to overcome such a wicked, insolent nation ? But 
letters coming into the Bay, that this attempt was made 
upon Wethersfield in Conetticot river, and that they had 
slain nine men, women and children, and taken two maids 
captives, the council gave order to send supply. In the 
mean while the Conetticot plantations sent down one hun- 
dred armed soldiers, under the conduct of Captain John 
Mason, and Lieutenant Seily, with other inferior officers, 
who by commission were bound for to come to rendezvous 
at Seabrooke fort, and there to consult with those that had 
command there, to enterprise some stratagem upon these 
bloody Indians. The Conetticot company having with them 
threescore Mohiggeners, whom the Pequeats had drove out 
of their lawful possessions, these Indians were earnest to 
join with the English, or at least to be under their conduct, 

16 Capt. John Underhill's 

that they might revenge themselves of those bloody enemies 
of theirs. The English, perceiving their earnest desire that 
way, gave them liberty to follow the company, but not to 
join in confederation with them ; the Indians promising to 
be faithful, and to do them what service lay in their power. 
But having embarked their men, and coming down the river, 
there arose great jealousy in the hearts of those that had 
chief oversight of the company, fearing that the Indians in 
time of greatest trial might revolt, and turn their backs 
against those they professed to be their friends, and join 
with the Pequeats. This perplexed the hearts of many very 
much, because they had had no experience of their fidelity. 
But Captain Mason having sent down a shallop to Seybrooke 
fort, and sent the Indians over land to meet and rendez- 
vous at Seabrooke fort, themselves came down in a great 
massy vessel, which was slow in coming, and very long 
detained by cross winds. The Indians coming to Seabrooke, 
were desirous to fall out on the Lord's day, to see whether 
they could find any Pequeats near the fort ; persuading 
themselves that the place was not destitute of some of their 
enemies. But it being the Lord's day, order was given to 
the contrary, and wished them to forbear until the next day. 
Giving them liberty, they fell out early in the morning, and 
brought home five Pequeats' heads, one prisoner, and mor- 
tally wounded the seventh. This mightily encouraged the 
hearts of all, and we took this as a pledge of their further 
fidelity. Myself taking boat, rowed up to meet the rest of 
the forces. Lying aboard the vessel with my boat, the 
minister, one Master Stone, that was sent to instruct the 
company, was then in prayer solemnly before God, in the 
midst of the soldiers ; and tkis passage worthy observation 
I set down, because the providence of God might be taken 
notice of, and his name glorified, that is so ready for to honor 
his own ordinance. The hearts of all in general being much 
perplexed, fearing the infidelity of these Indians, having not 
heard what an exploit they had wrought, it pleased God 
to put into the heart of Master Stone this passage in prayer, 
while myself lay under the vessel and heard it, himself not 
knowing that God had sent him a messenger to tell him his 
prayer was granted. Lord God, if it be thy blessed will, 
vouchsafe so much favor to thy poor distressed servants, as 
to manifest one pledge of thy love, that may confirm us of 

Histonj of the Pequot War. 17 

the fidelity of these Indians towards us, that now pretend 
friendship and service to us, that our hearts may be encour- 
aged the more in this work of thine. Immediately myself 
stepping up, told him that God had answered his desire, 
and that I had brought him this news, that those Indians 
had brought in five Pequeats' heads, one prisoner, and 
wounded one mortally ; which did much encourage the 
hearts of all, and replenished them exceedingly, and gave 
them all occasion to rejoice and be thankful to God. A 
little before we set forth, came a certain ship from the Dutch 
plantation. Casting an anchor under the command of our 
ordnance, we desired the master to come ashore. The 
master and merchant, willing to answer our expectation, 
came forth, and sitting with us awhile unexpectedly revealed 
their intent, that they were bound for Pequeat river to 
trade. Ourselves knowing the custom of war, that it was 
not the practice, in a case of this nature, to suffer others to 
go and trade with them our enemies, with such commodities 
as might be prejudicial unto us, and advantageous to them, 
as kettles, or the like, which make them arrow-heads, we 
gave command to them not to stir, alleging that our forces 
were intended daily to fall upon them. This being unkindly 
taken, it bred some agitations between their several com- 
manders ; but God was pleased, out of his love, to carry 
things in such.a sweet, moderate way, as all turned to his 
glory, and his people's good. 

These men, seeing they could not have liberty to go upon 
their design, gave us a note under their hands, that if we 
would give them liberty to depart, they would endeavor, to 
the utmost of their ability, to release those two captive 
maids, and this should be the chief scope and drift of their 
design. Having these promises, depending upon their faith- 
fulness, we gave them liberty. They set sail and went to 
Pequeat river, and sent to shore the master of the vessel to 
Sasacoose, their prince, for to crave liberty to trade ; and 
what would they trade for but the English maids ? which he 
much disliked. Suddenly withdrawing himself he returned 
back to the vessel, and by way of policy allured seven 
Indians into the bark, some of them being their prime men. 
Having them aboard, acquainted them with their intent, and 
told them without they might have the two captives deliv- 
ered safely aboard, they must keep them as prisoners and 

18 Capt. John UnderhilVs 

pledges, and therefore must resolve not to go ashore, until 
such time they had treated with the sagamore. One of the 
Dutch called to them on the shore, and told them they must 
bring the two captive maids, if they would have the seven 
Indians ; and therefore, briefly, if you will bring them, tell 
us ; if not, we set sail, and will turn all your Indians over- 
board in the main ocean, so soon as ever we come out. 
They taking this to be a jest, slighted what was said unto 
them. They weighing anchor set sail, and drew near the 
mouth of the river The Pequeats then discerned they 
were in earnest, and earnestly desired them to return and 
come to an anchor, and they would answer their expecta- 
tion. So they brought the two maids, and delivered them 
safely aboard, and they returned to them the seven Indians. 
Then they set sail and came to Seabrooke fort. Bringing 
them to Seabrooke fort, request was made to have them 
ashore. But in regard of the Dutch governor's desire, who 
had heard that there was two English maids taken captives 
of the Pequeats, and thinking his own vessel to be there 
a trading with them, he had managed, out a pinnace pur- 
posely, to give strict order and command to the former ves- 
sel to get these captives, what charge soever they were at, 
nay, though they did hazard their peace with them, and to 
gratify him with the first sight of them after their deliver- 
ance. So they earnestly entreated us that, they might not 
be brought ashore so as to stay there, or to be sent home 
until they had followed the governor's order ; which wil- 
lingly was granted to them, though it were thirty leagues 
from us ; yet were they safely returned again, and brought 
home to their friends. Now for the examination of the two 
maids after they arrived at Seabrooke fort. The eldest of 
them was about sixteen years of age. Demanding of her 
how they had used her, she told us that they did solicit her 
to uncleanness ; but her heart being much broken, and 
afflicted under that bondage she Was cast in, had brought to 
her consideration these thoughts — How shall I commit this 
great evil and sin against my God ? Their hearts were 
much taken up with the consideration of God's just displea- 
sure to them, that had lived under so prudent means of 
grace as they did, and had been so ungrateful to N ward God, 
and slighted that means, so that God's hand was justly upon 
them for their remissness in all their ways. Thus was their 

History of the Pequot War. 19 

hearts taken up with these thoughts. The Indians carried 
them from place to place, and showed them their forts and 
curious wigwams and houses, and encouraged them to' be 
merry. But the poor souls, as Israel, could not frame 
themselves to any delight or mirth under so strange a king. 
They hanging their harps upon the willow trees, gave their 
minds to sorrow ; hope was their chiefest food, and tears their 
constant drink. Behind the rocks, and under the trees, the 
eldest spent her breath in supplication to her God ; and 
though the eldest was but young, yet must I confess the 
sweet affection to God for his great kindness and fatherly 
love she daily received from the Lord, which sweetened all 
•her sorrows, and gave her constant hope that God would 
not nor could not forget her poor distressed soul and body ; 
because, saith she, his loving kindness appeareth to me in 
an unspeakable manner. And though sometimes, saith she, 
I cried out, David-like, I shall one day perish by the hands 
of Saul, I shall one day die by the hands of these barbarous 
Indians ; and specially if our people should come forth to 
war against them. Then is there no hope of deliverance. 
Then must I perish. Then will they cut me off in malice. 
But suddenly the poor soul was ready to quarrel with itself. 
Why should I distrust God? Do not I daily see the love 
of God unspeakably to my poor distressed soul ? And he 
hath said he will never leave me nor forsake me. Therefore 
I will not fear what man can do unto me, knowing God to 
be above man, and man can do nothing without God's per- 
mission. These were the words that fell from her mouth 
when she was examined in Seabrooke fort. I having com- 
mand of Seabrooke fort, she spake these things upon exami- 
nation, in my hearing. 

Christian reader, give me leave to appeal to the hearts of 
all true affectioned Christians, whether this be not the usual 
course of God's dealing to his poor captivated children, the 
prisoners of hope, to distil a great measure of sweet comfort 
and consolation into their souls in the time of trouble, so 
that the soul is more affected with the sense of God's fa- 
therly love, than with the grief of its captivity. Sure I am, 
that sanctified afflictions, crosses, or any outward troubles 
appear so profitable, that God's dear saints are forced to 
cry out, Thy loving kindness is better than life, than all the 
lively pleasures and profits of the world. Better a prison 

20 Capt. John UnderhilVs 

sometimes and a Christ, than liberty without him. Better 
in a fiery furnace with the presence of Christ, than in a 
kingly palace without him. Better in the lion's den, in the 
midst of all the roaring lions and with Christ, than in a 
downy bed with wife and children without Christ. The 
speech of David is memorable, that sweet affectionate prince 
and soldier, "How sweet is thy word to my taste; yea, 
sweeter than the honey and the honey-comb.' ' He spake 
it by experience. He had the sweet relish of God's com- 
forting presence, and the daily communion he had with the 
Lord, in the midst of all his distresses, trials, and tempta- 
tions that fell upon him. And so the Lord deals to this 
day. The greater the captivities be of his servants, the 
contentions amongst his churches, the clearer God's pre- 
sence is amongst his, to pick and cull them out of the fire, 
and to manifest himself to their souls, and bear them up, as 
Peter above the water, that they sink not. 

But now, my dear and respected friends and fellow sol- 
diers in the Lord, are not you apt to say,. If this be the fruit 
of afflictions, I would I had some of those, that I might 
enjoy these sweet breathings of Christ in my soul, as those 
that are in afflictions. But beware of those thoughts, or 
else experience will teach all to recall or to unwish those 
thoughts, for it is against the course of Scripture to wish for 
evil, that good might come of it. We cannot expect the 
presence of Christ in that which is contrary to him, (a man 
laying himself open to trouble), >but we are rather to follow 
Christ's example, * ' Father, not my will, but thy will be done, 
in earth as it is in heaven." And when thou art brought 
thus prostrate before the Lord like an obedient child, ready 
to suffer what he will impose on thee ; then if he think 
good to try us, we may exclude no trial, no captivity, 
though burdensome or tedious to nature, for they will ap- 
pear sweet and sanctified in the issue, if they be of the 
Lord's laying on ; specially when the Lord is pleased to 
impose trouble on his in way of trial (as he said to Israel of 
old — I did it to prove you, and to see what was in your 
hearts), whether a soul would not do as the foolish young 
man in the Gospel, cling more closer to his honor, or profit, 
or ease, or peace, or liberty, than to the Lord Jesus Christ. 
And therefore the Lord is pleased to exercise his people 
with trouble and afflictions, that he might appear to them 

History of the Pequot War. 21 

in mercy, and reveal more clearly his free grace unto their 
souls. Therefore consider, dear brethren, and err not, 
neither to the right hand nor to the left, and be not as 
Ephraim, like an untamed heifer, that would not stoop unto 
the yoke. But stoop to God's afflictions, if he please to im- 
pose them, and fear them not when they are from God. 
And know that Christ cannot be had without a cross. They 
are inseparable. You cannot have Christ in his ordinances, 
but you must have his cross. Did ever any Christian read, 
that in the purest churches that ever were, that Christians 
were freed from the cross ? Was not the cross carried after 
Christ ? And Andrew must follow Christ, but not without 
a cross. He must take it, and bear it, and that upon his 
shoulders ; implying, it was not a light cross, but weighty. 
Oh, let not Christians show themselves to be so forgetful, as 
I fear many are, of the old way of Christ. Ease is come 
into the world, and men would have Christ and ease. But it 
will not be in this world. Is the servant better than the 
master 1 No, he is not, neither shall he be. But you may 
demand what is meant by this cross. We meet with many 
crosses in the world, losses at home and abroad, in church 
and commonwealth. What cross doth Christ mean ? Was 
it a cross to be destitute of a house to put his head in ? Or 
was it his cross, that he was not so deliciously fed as other 
men ? Or to be so mean, wanting honor as others had ? 
Or was it that his habit was not answerable to the course of 
the world, or to be destitute of silver and gold, as it is the 
lot of many of God's saints to this day ? This was not the 
cross of Christ. You shall not hear him complain of his 
estate, that it is too mean, or his lodging too bad, or his 
garments too plain ; these were not the troubles of Christ ; 
these are companions to the cross. But the chief cross that 
Christ had, was that the word of his Father could not take 
place in the hearts of those to whom it was sent, and suffer- 
ing for the truth of his Father, that was Christ's cross. And 
that is the cross, too, that Christians must expect, and that 
in the purest churches. And, therefore, why do you stand 
and admire at New England, that there should be conten- 
tions there, and differences there, and that for the truth of 
Christ ? Do you not remember that the cross followed the 
church ? Hath it not been already said that Christ's cross 
followed him, and Andrew must carry it 1 And that Paul 

22 Capt. John UnderhiU's 

and Barnabas will contend together for the truth's sake ? 
And doth not the Apostle say, Contend for the truth (though 
not in a violent way) ? Doth not Christ say, I came not to 
bring peace, but a sword ? And why should men wonder 
at us, seeing that troubles and contentions have followed the 
purest churches since the beginning of the world to this 
day ? Wherefore should we not look back to the Scriptures, 
and deny our own reason, and let that be our guide and 
platform ? And then shall we not so much admire, when we 
know it is the portion of God's church to have troubles and 
contentions. And when we know also it is God that 
brings them, and that for good to his church. Hath not 
God ever brought light out of darkness, good out of evil ? 
Did not the breath of God's spirit sweetly breathe in the 
souls of these poor captives which we now related ? And 
do we not ever find, the greater the afflictions and troubles 
of God's people be, the more eminent is his grace in the 
souls of his servants ? You that intend to go to New Eng- 
land, fear not a little trouble. 

More men would go to sea, if they were sure to meet 
with no storms. But he is the most courageous soldier, 
that sees the battle pitched, the drums beat an alarm, and 
trumpets sound a charge, and yet is not afraid to join in the 
battle. Show not yourselves cowards, but proceed on in 
your intentions, and abuse not the lenity of our noble prince, 
and the sweet liberty he hath from time to time given to 
pass and repass according to our desired wills. Wherefore 
do ye stop ? Are you afraid ? May not the Lord do this to 
prove your hearts, to see whether you durst follow him in 
afflictions or not ? What is become of faith ? I will not 
fear that man can do unto me, saith David, no, nor what 
troubles can do, but will trust in the Lord, who is my God. 

Let the ends and aims of a man be good, and he may 
proceed with courage. The bush may be in the fire, but -so 
long as God appears to Moses out of the bush, there is no 
great danger. More good than hurt will come out of it. 
Christ knows how to honor himself, and to do his people 
good, though it be by contrary means, which reason will 
not fathom. Look but to faith, and that will make us see 
plainly, that though afflictions for the present are grievous, 
as doubtless it was with these two captive maids, yet sweet 

History of the Pequot War. 23 

and comfortable is the issue with all God's saints, as it was 
with them. But to go on. 

Having embarked our soldiers, we weighed anchor at 
Seabrooke fort, and set sail for the Narraganset Bay, deluding 
the Pequeats thereby, for they expected us to fall into the 
Pequeat river ; but crossing their expectation, bred in them 
a security. We landed our men in the Narraganset Bay, 
and marched over land above two days' journey before we 
came to Pequeat. Quartering the last night's march within 
two miles of the place, we set forth about one of the clock 
in the morning, having sufficient intelligence that they knew 
nothing of our coming. Drawing near to the fort, yielded 
up ourselves to God, and entreated his assistance in so 
weighty an enterprise. We set on our march to surround 
the fort ; # Captain John Mason, approaching to the west 
end, where it had an entrance to pass into it ; myself 
marching to the south side, surrounding the fort ; placing 
the Indians, for we had about three hundred of them, with- 
out side of our soldiers in a ring battalia, giving a volley of 
shot upon the fort. So remarkable it appeared to us, as 
we could not but admire at the providence of God in it, that 
soldiers so unexpert in the use of their arms, should give so 
complete a volley, as though the finger of God had touched 
both match and flint. Which volley being given at break 
of day, and themselves fast asleep for the most part, bred in 
them such a terror, that they brake forth into a most doleful 
cry ; so as if God had not fitted the hearts of men for the 
service, it would have bred in them a commiseration towards 
them. But every man being bereaved of pity, fell upon the 
work without compassion, considering the blood they had 
shed of our native countrymen, and how barbarously they 
had dealt with them, and slain, first and last, about thirty 
persons. Having given fire, we approached near to the 
entrance, which they had stopped full with arms of trees, 
or brakes. Myself approaching to the entrance, found the 
work too heavy for me, to draw out all those which were 
strongly forced in. We gave order to one Master Hedge, 
and some other -soldiers, to pull out those brakes. Having 
this done, and laid them between me and the entrance, and 

* This fort, or palisado, was well nigh an acre of ground, which was surrounded 
with trees and half trees, set into the ground three feet deep, and fastened close one 
to another, as you may see more clearly described in the figure of it before the book. 

24 Capt. John XJnderhilVs 

without order themselves, proceeded first on the south end 
of the fort. But remarkable it was to many of us. Men 
that run before they are sent, most commonly have an ill 
reward. Worthy reader, let me entreat you to have a more 
charitable opinion of me (though unworthy to be better 
thought of) than is reported in the other book.* You may 
remember there is a passage unjustly laid upon me, that 
when we should come to the entrance, I should put forth 
this question, Shall we enter ? Others should answer 
again, What came we hither for else ? It is well known to 
many, it was never my practice, in time of my command, 
when we are in garrison, much to consult with a private 
soldier, or to ask his advice in point of war ; much less in 
a matter of so great a moment as that was, which experi- 
ence had often taught me was not a time to put forth such 
a question ; and therefore pardon him that hath given the 
wrong information. Having our swords in our right hand, 
our carbines or muskets in our left hand, we approached 
the fort, Master Hedge being shot through both arms, and 
more wounded. Though it be not commendable for a man 
to make mention of anything that might tend to his own 
honor, yet because I would have the providence of God ob- 
served, and his name magnified, as well for myself as others, 
I dare not omit, but let the world know, that deliverance 
was given to us that command, as well as to private soldiers. 
Captain Mason and myself entering into the wigwams, he 
was shot, and received many arrows against his head-piece. 
God preserved him from many wounds. Myself received a 
shot in the left hip, through a sufficient buff coat,. that if 
I had not been supplied with such a garment, the arrow 
would have pierced through me. Another I received be- 
tween neck and shoulders, hanging in the linen of my head- 
piece. Others of our soldiers were shot, some through the 
shoulders, some in the face, some in the head, some in 
the legs, Captain Mason and myself losing each of us a 
man, and had near twenty wounded. Most courageously 
these Pequeats behaved themselves. But seeing the fort 
was too hot for us, we devised a way how we might save 
ourselves and prejudice them. Captain Mason entering 

[* The other book here referred to, containing the charge of which Underbill com- 
plains, is Vincent's Relation of the Fequot War, which is printed in this volume 
immediately after Underhilfs account. Publishing Committee.] . 

History of the Pequot War. 25 

into a wigwam, brought out a firebrand, after he had 
wounded many in the house. Then he set fire on the west 
side, where he entered ; myself set fire on the south end 
with a train of powder. The fires of both meeting in the 
centre of the fort, blazed most terribly, and burnt all in the 
space of half an hour. Many courageous fellows were un- 
willing to come out, and fought most desperately through 
the palisadoes, so as they were scorched and burnt with the 
very flame, and were deprived of their arms — in regard the 
fire burnt their very bowstrings — and so perished valiantly. 
Mercy they did deserve for their valor, could we have had 
opportunity to have bestowed it. Many were burnt in 
the fort, both men, women, and children. Others forced 
out, and came in troops to the Indians, twenty and thirty at 
a time, which our soldiers received and entertained w T ith the 
point of the sword. Down fell men, women, and children ; 
those that scaped us, fell into the hands of the Indians that 
w r ere in the rear of us. It is reported by themselves, that 
there were about four hundred souls in this fort, and not 
above five of them escaped out of our hands. Great and 
doleful was the bloody sight to the view of young soldiers 
that never had been in war, to see so many souls lie gasping 
on the ground, so thick, in some places, that you could hardly 
pass along. It may be demanded, Why should you be so 
furious? (assome have said). Should not Christians have more 
mercy and compassion 1 But I would refer you to David's 
war. When a people is grown to such a height of blood, 
and sin against God and man, and all confederates in the 
action, there he hath no respect to persons, but harrows 
them, and saws them, and puts them to the sword, and the 
most terriblest death that may be. Sometimes the Scripture 
declareth women and children must perish with their pa- 
rents. Sometimes the case alters ; but we will not dispute 
it now. We had sufficient light from the word of God for 
our proceedings. 

Having ended this service, we drew our forces together 
to battalia. Being ordered, the Pequeats came upon us 
with their prime men, and let fly at us ; myself fell on scarce 
with twelve or fourteen men to encounter with them ; but 
they finding our bullets to outreach their arrows, forced 
themselves often to retreat. When we saw we could have 
no advantage against them ; n the open field, we requested 

26 Capt. John UnderhilVs 

our Indians for to entertain fight with them. Our end was 
that we might see the nature of the Indian war ; which they 
granted us, and fell out, the Pequeats, Narragansets, and 
Mohigeners changing a few arrows together after such a 
manner, as I dare boldly affirm, they might fight seven years 
and not kill seven men. They came not near one another, 
but shot remote, and not point-blank, as we often do with 
our bullets, but at rovers, and then they gaze up in the sky 
to see where the arrow falls, and not until it is fallen do 
they shoot again. This fight is more for pastime, than to 
conquer and subdue enemies. But spending a little time 
this way, we were forced to cast our eyes upon our poor 
maimed soldiers, many of them lying upon the ground, 
wanting food and such nourishable things as might refresh 
them in this faint state. But we were not supplied with 
any such things whereby we might relieve them, but only 
were constrained to look up to God, and to entreat him for 
mercy towards them. Most were thirsty, but could find no 
water. The provision we had for food was very little. 
Many distractions seized upon us at the present. A chi- 
rurgeon we wanted ; our chirurgeon, not accustomed to war, 
durst not hazard himself where we ventured our lives, but, 
like a fresh water soldier, kept aboard, and by this means 
our poor maimed soldiers were brought to a great strait 
and faintness, some of them s wounding away for want of 
speedy help ; but yet God was pleased to preserve the lives 
of them, though not without great misery and pain to them- 
selves for the present. Distractions multiplying, strength 
and courage began to fail with many. Our Indians, that 
had stood close to us hitherto, were fallen into consultation, 
and were resolved for to leave us in a land we knew not 
which way to get out. Suddenly after their resolution, fifty 
of the Narraganset Indians fell off from the rest, returning 
home. The Pequeats spying them, pursued after them. 
Then came the Narragansets to Captain Mason and myself, 
crying, Oh, help us now, or our men will be all slain. We 
answered, How dare you crave aid of us, when you are leav- 
ing of us in this distressed condition, not knowing which 
way to march out of the country ? But yet you shall see it 
is not the nature of Englishmen to deal like heathens, to 
requite evil for evil, but we will succor you. Myself falling 
on with thirty men, in the space of an hour rescued their 

History of the Pequot War. 21 

men, and in our retreat to the body, slew and wounded 
above a hundred Pequeats, all fighting men, that charged 
us both in rear and flanks. Having overtaken the body, we 
were resolved to march to a certain neck of land that lay by 
the sea-side, where we intended to quarter that night, be- 
cause we knew not how to get our maimed men to Pequeat 
river. As yet we saw not our pinnaces sail along, but feared 
the Lord had crossed them, which also the master of the 
barque much feared. We gave them order to set sail on 
the Narraganset Bay, about midnight, as we were to fall 
upon the fort in the morning, so that they might meet us in 
Pequeat river in the afternoon ; but the wind being cross, 
bred in them a great perplexity what would become of us, 
knowing that we were but slenderly provided, both with 
munition and provision. But they being in a distracted 
condition, lifted up their hearts to God for help. About 
twelve of the clock the wind turned about and became fair ; 
it brought them along in sight of us, and about ten o'clock 
in the morning carried them into Pequeat river. Coming to 
an anchor at the place appointed, the wind turned as full 
against them as ever it could blow. How remarkable this 
providence of God was, I leave to a Christian eye to judge. 
Our Indians came to us, and much rejoiced at our victories, 
and greatly admired the manner of Englishmen's fight, but 
cried Mach it, mach it ; that is, It is naught, it is naught, 
because it is too furious, and slays too many men. Having 
received their desires, they freely promised, and gave up 
themselves to march along with us, wherever we would go. 
God having eased us from that oppression that lay upon us, 
thinking we should have been left in great misery for want 
of our vessels, we diverted our thoughts from going to that 
neck of land, and faced about, marching to the river where 
our vessels lay at anchor. One remarkable passage. The 
Pequeats playing upon our flanks, one Sergeant Davis, a 
pretty courageous soldier, spying something black upon the 
top of a rock, stepped forth from the body with a carbine of 
three feet long, and, at a venture, gave fire, supposing it to 
be an Indian's head, turning him over with his heels up- 
ward. The Indians observed this, and greatly admired that 
a man should shoot so directly. The Pequeats were much 
daunted at the shot, and forbore approaching so near upon 
us. Being come to the Pequeat river we met with Captain 
Patrick, who under his command had forty able soldiers, 

28 Capt. John Underhitt's History, fyc. 

who was ready to begin a second attempt. But many of 
our men being maimed and much wearied, we forbore that 
night, and embarked ourselves, myself setting sail for Sea- 
brooke fort. Captain Mason and Captain Patrick marching 
over land, burned and spoiled the country between the 
Pequeat and Conetticot river, where we received them. 
The Pequeats having received so terrible a blow, and being 
much affrighted with the destruction of so many, the next 
day fell into consultation. Assembling their most ablest 
men together, propounded these three things. First, whether 
they would set upon a sudden revenge upon the Narragan- 
sets, or attempt an enterprise upon the English, or fly. 
They were in great dispute one amongst another. Sasachus, 
their chief commander, was all for blood ; the rest for flight, 
Alleging these arguments : We are a people bereaved of 
courage, our hearts are sadded with the death of so many 
of our dear friends ; we see upon what advantage the Eng- 
lish lie ; what sudden and deadly blows they strike ; what 
advantage they have of their pieces to us, which are not 
able to reach them with our arrows at distance. They are 
supplied with everything necessary ; they are flote and 
heartened in their victory. To what end shall we stand it out 
with them ? We are not able ; therefore let us rather save 
some than lose all. This prevailed. Suddenly after, they 
spoiled all those goods they could not carry with them, 
broke up their tents and wigwams, and betook themselves 
to flight. Sasachus, flying towards Conetticot plantation, 
quartered by the river side ; there he met with a shallop 
sent down to Seabrooke fort, which had in it three men ; 
they let fly upon them, shot many arrows into them. Cou- 
rageous were the English, and died in their hands, but with 
a great deal of valor. The forces which were prepared in 
the Bay were ready for to set forth. Myself being taken on 
but for three months, and the soldiers willing to return to 
the Bay, we/ embarked ourselves, and set to sail. In our 
journey we met with certain pinnaces, in them a hundred 
able and well appointed soldiers, under the conduct of one 
Captain Stoughton, and other inferior officers ; and in com- 
pany with them one Mr. John Wilson, who was sent to in- 
struct the company. These falling into Pequeat river, met 
with many of the distressed Indians. Some they slew, others 
they took prisoners. 





The late Battell fought in New* 

England, between the English and the 

. Pequet Salvages. 

In which were slaine and taken prisoners 

about 700 of the Salvages, and those which 

escaped, had their heads cut off by 

the Mohocks : 

With the present state of things 

L ONB 0.7V, 

Printed by Thomas Harper, for Nathanael Butter, 
and lohn Bellamie, 1638. * 

[Of P. Vincent, who, by the signature at the end of the Latin verses 
on the next page, appears to have been the author of the following narra- 
tive of the Pequot War, we have been able to obtain no information what- 
ever. It will be seen that a part of the last page is wanting. The copy 
from which we print belongs to the Library of Harvard University. The 
copy belonging to our Society is deficient both at the beginning and end, 
and we know of no other from which the hiatus could be supplied. 

Publishing Committee.] 

Ad Lectorem 
Authoris carmen ***&** de Victoria hac 

Nov'-Anglica,, 1637. 

DVcit in Americam varios gens Angla colonos : 
Et bene conveniunt sidera, terra, solum. 
Astferus hoc prohibet, solis vagabundus in arvis, 

Insolitoque aliquos, incola, Marte necat. 
Quod simul invitas crimen pervenit ad aures 

Angligenum, irato murmur e cunctafremunt. 
Tunc Icesijusta arma movent, hostemque sequuntur, 

Struxerat haud vanis qui munimenta locis. 
Invadunt vallum, palis sudibusque munitum : 

(Pax erit : hoc uno solvitur ira modo.) 
Vndique concidunt omnes, pars una crematur : 

Post, ccesi aut capti, ccetera turba luit. 
Vtraque Icetatur Pequetanis Anglia victis, 

Et uovus, ceternum hie figimur, hospes ait 
Virginia exultat, vicina Novonia gaudet, 

Signaque secura certa quietis habent. 
Plaudite qui colitis Mavortia sacra nepotes, \ 

Et serat incultos tutus arator agros. 
Qua novus orbis erat, spiranti numine (Lector) 

Anglia nascetur, quae novus orbis erit. 

P. Vincentius. 

Nihil obstare videtur quo minus hac 
Relatio typis mandetur. 

Novemb. ix. M.DCxxxvij. 
G. R. Weckherlin. 

A true relation of the late battle fought 

in New-England, between the English and Salvages, 
with the present state of things there. 

.IfcTEW ENGLAND (a name now every day more famous) 
JL i is so called, because the English were the first disco- 
verers, and are now the planters thereof. It is the eastern 
coast of the north part of America, upon the south-west ad- 
joining to Virginia, and part of that continent, large and 
capable of innumerable people. It is in the same height 
with the north of Spain and south part of France, and the 
temper not much unlike ; as pleasant, as temperate, and 
as fertile as either, if managed by industrious hands. 

This is the stage. Let us in a word see the actors. The 
year 1620, a company of English, part out of the Low Coun- 
tries, and some out of London and other parts, were sent for 
Virginia. But being cut short by want of wind, and hardness 
of the winter, they landed themselves in this country, en- 
during, with great hope and patience, all the misery that 
desert could put upon them, and employed their wits to 
make their best use of that then snow-covered land for their 
necessities. After two years' experience of the nature of 
the soil, commodities, and natives, they returned such intel- 
ligence to their masters, that others took notice of their 
endeavors and the place. Then some western merchants 
collected a stock, and employed it that way. But they dis- 
couraged through losses and want of present gain, some 
Londoners and others (men of worth) undertook it, with 
more resolution, building upon the old foundation. Hence 
a second plantation, adjoined to the other, but supported 
with better pillars and greater means. All beginnings are 

34 P. Vincent 9 s History 

ever difficult. The half, saith the proverb, is more than 
the whole. Some errors were committed, and many mise- 
ries were endured. No man is wise enough to shun all 
evils that may happen ; but patience and painfulness over- 
came all. The success proved answerable even to ambitious 
expectations, notwithstanding the impediments inevitable to 
such undertakings. 

There is scarce any part of the world but habitable, 
though more commodiously by human culture. This part 
(though in its naturals) nourished many natives, distinguish- 
ed into divers petty nations and factions. It were needless 
curiosity to dispute their original, or how they came hither. 
Their outsides say they are men, their actions they say are 
reasonable. As the thing is, so it operateth. Their cor- 
respondency of disposition with us, argueth all to be of the 
same constitution, and the sons of Adam, and that we had 
the same matter, the same mould. Only art and grace have 
given us that perfection which yet they want, but may per- 
haps be as capable thereof as we. They are of person 
straight and tall, of limbs big and strong, seldom seen vio- 
lent, or extreme in any passion. Naked they go, except a 
skin about their waist, and sometimes a mantle about their 
shoulders. Armed they are with bows and arrows, clubs, 
javelins, &c. But as soil, air, diet, and custom, make oft- 
times a memorable difference in men's natures, so it is 
among these nations, whose countries there are like so many 
shires here, of which every one hath their sagamore, or 
king, who, as occasion urgeth, commandeth them in war, 
and ruleth them in peace. Those where the English pitch- 
ed, have showed themselves very loving and friendly, and 
done courtesies beyond expectation for these new-come 
inmates ; so that much hath been written of their civility 
and peaceful conversation, until this year. 

But nature, heaven's daughter, and the immediate charac- 
ter of that divine power, as by her light she hath taught us 
wisdom, for our own defence, so by her fire she hath made 
us fierce, injurious, revengeful, and ingenious in the device 
of means for the offence of those we take to be our enemies. 
This is seen in creatures void of reason, much more in man- 
kind. We have in us a mixture of all the elements, and 
fire is predominant when the humors are exagitated. All 
motion causeth heat ; all provocation moveth choler ; and 

of the Pequot War. 35 

choler inflamed becometh a phrensy, a fury, especially in 
barbarous and cruel natures. These things are conspicuous 
in the inhabitants of New England ; in whose southern- 
most part are the Pequets, or Pequants, a stately, warlike 
people, which have been terrible to their neighbors, and 
troublesome to the English. UL696S5 

In February last they killed some English at Sea-brooke, 
a southerly plantation beyond Cape Cod, at the mouth of the 
river of Connectacutt. Since that the lieutenant of the fort 
there, with ten men armed, went out to fire the meadows, 
and to fit them for mowing. Arriving there, he started 
three Indians, which he pursued a little way, thinking to cut 
them off. But presently they perceived themselves encom- 
passed with hundreds of them, who let fly their arrows furi- 
ously, and came desperately upon the muzzles of their mus- 
kets, though the English discharged upon them with all the 
speed they could. Three Englishmen were there slain, 
others wounded. The eight that remained made their way 
through the salvages with their swords, and so got under 
the command of the cannon of the fort, (otherwise they had 
been all slain or taken prisoners), one of the wounded falling 
down dead at the fort gate. The Indians thus fleshed and 
encouraged, besieged the fort as near as they durst ap- 
proach. The besieged presently despatched a messenger 
to the Governor at the Bay, to acquaint him with these sad 
tidings, who with all speed lent unto their aid Captain 
Underhill, with twenty soldiers. Not long after these sal- 
vages went to Water Towne, now called Wetherfield, and 
there fell upon some that were sawing, and slew nine more, 
whereof one was a woman, the other a child, and took two 
young maids prisoners, killing some of their cattle, and 
driving some away. Man's nature insulteth in victory and 
prosperity, and by good success is animated even in the 
worst of wicked actions. These barbarians triumphed and 
proceeded, drawing into their confederacy other Indians, as 
the Nyantecets, and part of the Mohigens, of whom about 
fifty chose rather to join with the English, and sat down at 
New-Towne, at Connectacut (now called Hereford, as the 
other town that went from Dorchester thither is called 
Windsore). Fame increaseth by flying. The former sad 
news was augmented by the report of sixty men slain at 
Master Pinchen's plantation, &c. which proved false. The 

36 P. Vincent's History 

Narragansets, neighbors to the Pequets, sent word to the 
English, that the Pequets had solicited them to join their 
forces with them. Hereupon the Council ordered that none 
should go to work, nor travel, no, not so much as to church, 
without arms. A corps of guard of fourteen or fifteen sol- 
diers was appointed to watch every night, and sentinels 
were set in convenient places about the plantations, the 
drum beating when they went to the watch, and every man 
commanded to be in readiness upon an alarm, upon pain of 
five pound. A day of fast and prayers was also kept. Forty 
more were sent to strengthen the former twenty that went 
to the fort, and fifty under the command of Captain Mason, 
which being conjoined were about one hundred. Two 
hundred more were to be sent after them with all expe- 

The fifty Mohigins that joined with the English, scouting 
about, espied seven Pequets, killed five of them outright, 
wounded the sixth mortally, took the seventh prisoner, and 
brought him to the fort. He braved the English, as though 
they durst not kill a Pequet. Some will have their courage 
to be thought invincible, when all is desperate. But it 
availed this salvage nothing. They tied one of his legs to a 
post, and twenty men, with a rope tied to the other, pulled 
him in pieces. Captain Underhill shooting a pistol through 
him, to despatch him. The two maids which were taken 
prisoners were redeemed by the Dutch. 

Those fifty sent from the three plantations of Connectacut 
with Captain Mason, being joined with Captain Underhill 
and his twenty men, (for the other forty were not yet arrived 
with them), immediately went upon an expedition against 
the Pequets, after they had searched for them. The man- 
ner was this. The English with some Mohigens went to 
the Naragansets, who were discontented that they came 
no sooner, saying they could arm and set forth two or three 
hundred at six hours warning, (which they did accordingly, 
for the assistance of the English) ; only they desired the ad- 
vice of the sagamore, Mydutonno, what way they should go 
to work, and how they should fall on the Pequets ; whose 
judgment in all things agreed with the English, as though 
they had consulted together. Then went they to the Nyan- 
ticke, and he set forth two hundred more ; but before they 
went, he swore them after his manner upon their knees. 

of the Pequot War. ?j! 

As they marched, they deliberated which fort of the Pequets 
they should assault, resolving upon the great fort, and to be 
there that night. Being on the way, and having a mile to 
march through swamps, the Nyanticke hearts failed, for 
fear of the Pequets, and so they ran away, as also did some 
of the Narragansets. Of five or six hundred Indians, not 
above half were left ; and they had followed the rest, had 
not Captain Underhill upbraided them with cowardice, and 
promised them they should not fight or come within shot of 
the fort, but only surround it afar off. At break of day, the 
seventy English 'gave the fort a volley of shot, whereat the 
salvages within made a hideous and pitiful cry ; the shot, 
without all question, flying through the palisadoes (which 
stood not very close) and killing or wounding some of them. 
Pity had hindered further hostile proceedings, had not the 
remembrance of the bloodshed, the captive maids, and cruel 
insolency of those Pequets, hardened the hearts of the Eng- 
lish, and stopped their ears unto their cries. Mercy mars 
all sometimes ; severe justice must now and then take place. 
The long forbearance and too much lenity of the English 
towards the Virginian salvages, had like to have been the 
destruction of the whole plantation. These barbarians, ever 
treacherous, abuse the goodness of those that condescend to 
their rudeness and imperfections. The English went reso- 
lutely up to the door of the fort. What ! shall we enter ? 
said Captain Underhill. # What come we for else ? answer- 
ed one Hedge, a young Northamptonshire gentleman ; who, 
advancing before the rest, plucked away some bushes, 
and entered. A stout Pequet encounters him, shoots his 
arrow, drawn to the head, into his right arm, where it stuck. 
He slashed the salvage betwixt the arm and shoulder, who, 
pressing towards the door, was killed by the English. Im- 
mediately Master Hedge encountered another, who perceiv- 
ing him upon him before he could deliver his arrow, gave 
back ; but he struck up his heels and run him through ; 
after him he killed two or three more. Then about half the 
English entered, fell on with courage, and slew many. But 
being straitened for room because of the wigwams, (which 
are the salvage huts or cabins), they called for fire to burn 
them. An Englishman stepped into a wigwam, and stoop - 

[* Underhill denies this statement. See page 24 of this volume. Pub. Com.] 

38 P. Vincent's History 

ing for a firebrand, an Indian was ready to knock out his 
brains : but he whipt out his sword and run him into the 
belly, that his bowels* followed. Then were the wigwams 
set on fire, which so raged, that what therewith, what with 
the sword, in little more than an hour betwixt three and 
four hundred of them were killed, and of the English only 
two — one of them by our own muskets, as is thought. For 
the Naragansets beset the fort so close, that not one escaped. 
The whole work ended, ere the sun was an hour high, the 
conquerors retreated down toward the pinnace, but in their 
march were infested by the rest of the Pequets, who scout- 
ing up and down, from the swamps and thickets let fly their 
arrows a-main, which were answered by English bullets. 
The Indians that then assisted the English, waiting the fall 
of the Pequets, (as the dog watcheth the shot of the fowler, 
to fetch the prey), still fetched them their heads, as any 
were slain. At last the Narragansets perceiving powder 
and shot to fail, and fearing to fall into the hands of their 
enemies, betook themselves to flight upon the sudden, and 
were as suddenly encompassed by the Pequets. Fear de- 
feateth great armies. If an apprehension of imminent dan- 
ger once possess them, it is in vain to stay the runaways. 
No oratory can recall them, no command can order them 
again. The only sure way is, by all means that may be, 
promises, threats, persuasions, &c, to maintain and keep up 
courage, where yet it is. But these fearful companions had 
one anchor, whose cable was not broken. They sent speed- 
ily to the English, who came to their rescue ; and after five 
muskets discharged, the Pequets fled. Thus freed from that 
fear, they vowed henceforth to cleave closer to the English, 
and never to forsake them in time of need. The reason why 
the English wanted ammunition was, because they had left 
that which they had for store, with their drum, at the place 
of their consultation ; but found it in their return. They 
now all went a-shipboard, and sailed to Seabrook fort, 
where the English feasted the Narragansets three days, and 
then sent them home in a pinnace. 

Let me now describe this military fortress, which natural 
reason and experience hath taught them to erect, without 
mathematical skill, or use of iron tool. They choose a piece 
of ground, dry and of best advantage, forty or fifty foot 
square (but this was at least two acres of ground.) Here 

of the Pequot War. 39 

they pitch, close together as they can, young trees and half 
trees, as thick as a man's thigh or the calf of his leg. Ten 
or twelve foot high they are above the ground, and within 
rammed three foot deep w T ith undermining, the earth being 
cast up for their better shelter against the enemy's dis- 
chargements. Betwixt these palisadoes are divers loop- 
holes, through which they let fly their winged messengers. 
The door for the most part is entered sideways, which they 
stop with boughs or bushes, as need requireth. The space 
therein is full of wigwams, wherein their wives and children 
live with them. These huts or little houses are framed like 
our garden arbors, something more round, very strong and 
handsome, covered with close-wrought mats, made by their 
women, of flags, rushes, and hempen threads, so defensive 
that neither rain, though never so bad and long, nor yet the 
wind, though never so strong, can enter. The top through 
a square hole giveth passage to the smoke, which in rainy 
weather is covered with a pluver. This fort was so crowd- 
ed with these numerous dwellings, that the English wanted 
foot-room to grapple with their adversaries, and therefore 
set fire on all. 

The Mohighens which sided w r ith the English in this ac- 
tion, behaved themselves stoutly ; which the other Pequets 
understanding, cut off all the Mohigens that remain with 
them (lest they should turn to the English) except seven ; 
who flying to our countrymen, related this news, and that 
about an hundred Pequets were slain, or hurt in the fight 
with the English, at their return from the fort ; moreover, 
that they had resolved to have sent an hundred choice men 
out of their fort, as a party against the English, the very 
day after they were beaten out by them ; but being now 
vanquished, Sasacus, the Pequetan captain, with the remain- 
der of this massacre, was fled the country. 

It is not good to give breath to a beaten enemy, lest he 
return armed, if not with greater puissance, yet with greater 
despite and revenge. Too much security, or neglect in this 
kind, hath ofttimes ruined the conquerors. The two hun- 
dred English, therefore, resolved on before, were now sent 
forth to chase the barbarians, and utterly root them out. 
Whereupon, Captain Underhill with his twenty men return- 
ed, and gave this account of those exploits of the New Eng- 
enders, which here we have communicated to the old Eng- 

40 P. Vincent's History 

lish world. This last party invaded the Pequetan country, 
killed twenty-three, saved the lives of two sagamores for 
their use hereafter, as occasion shall serve, who have pro- 
mised to do great matters for the advancing of the English 
affairs. They pursued the remnant threescore miles beyond 
the country, till within six and thirty miles of the Dutch 
plantations on Hudson's river, where they fought with them, 
killed forty or fifty, besides those that they cut off in their 
retreat, and took prisoners one hundred and eighty, that 
came out of a swamp, and yielded themselves upon promise 
of good quarter. Some other small parties of them were 
since destroyed; and Captain Patrick, with sixteen or eigh- 
teen, brought eighty captives to the Bay of Boston. The 
news of the flight of Sassacus, their sagamore, is also con- 
firmed. He went with forty men to the Mohocks, which 
are cruel, bloody cannibals, and the most terrible to their 
neighbors of all these nations ; but will scarce dare ever to 
carry arms against the English, of whom they are sore afraid, 
not daring to encounter white men with their hot-mouthed 
weapons, which spit nothing else but bullets and fire. 

The terror of victory changeth even the affection of the 
allies of the vanquished, and the securing of our own estates 
makes us neglect, yea forsake or turn against our confeder- 
ates, and side with their enemies and ours, when we despair 
of better remedy. These cruel, but wily Mohocks, in con- 
templation of the English, and to procure their friendship, 
entertain the fugitive Pequets and their captain by cutting 
off all their heads and hands, which they sent to the Eng- 
lish, as a testimony of their love and service. 

A day of thanksgiving was solemnly celebrated for this 
happy success ; the Pequetans now seeming nothing but a 
name, for not less than seven hundred are slain or taken 
prisoners. Of the English are not slain in all above six- 
teen. One occurrent I may not forget. The endeavors 
of private men are ever memorable in these beginnings ; the 
meanest of the vulgar is not incapable of virtue, and conse- 
quently, neither of honor. Some actions of plebeians have 
elsewhere been taken for great achievements. A pretty 
sturdy youth of New Ipswich, going forth somewhat rashly 
to pursue the salvages, shot off his musket after them till all 
his powder and shot were spent ; which they perceiving, 
re-assaulted him, thinking with their hatchets to have knock- 

of the Pequot War. 41 

ed him in the head : but he so bestirred himself with the 
stock of his piece, and after with the barrel, when that was 
broken, that he brought two of their heads to the army. 
His own desert, and the encouragement of others, will not 
suffer him to be nameless. He is called Francis Wain- 
wright, and came over servant with one Alexander Knight, 
that kept an inn in Chelmsford. 

I have done, with this tragic scene, whose catastrophe 
ended in a triumph. And now give me leave to speak 
something of the present state of things there. The tran- 
scribing of all colonies is chargeable, fittest for princes or 
states to undertake. Their first beginnings are full of cas- 
ualty and danger, and obnoxious to many miseries. They 
must be well grounded, well followed, and managed with 
great stocks of money, by men of resolution, that will not 
be daunted by ordinary accidents. The Bermudas and Vir- 
gina are come to perfection, from mean, or rather base be- 
ginnings, and almost by as weak means, beyond all expec- 
tation and reason. But a few private men, by uniting their 
stocks and desires, have now raised New England to that 
height, that never any plantation of Spaniards, Dutch, or 
any other arrived at, in so small a time. Gain is the load- 
stone of adventures ; fish and furs, with beaver wool, were 
specious bai^s. But whilst men are all for their private 
profit, the public good is neglected, and languisheth. Wo- 
ful experience had too evidently instructed New England's 
colonies in the precedents of Guiana, the Charibe islands, 
Virginia, and Novania or New-found-land, (now again to be 
planted by Sir David Kirke, though part of the old planters 
there yet remain). We are never wiser, than when we are 
thus taught. The New-Englanders, therefore, advanced 
the weal public all they could, and so the private is taken 
care for. 

Corn and cattle are wonderfully increased with them, and 
thereof they have enough, yea, sometime to spare to new 
comers, besides' spare rooms or good houses to entertain 
them in ; where they may make Christmas fires all winter, 
if they please, for nothing. I speak not of the naturals of 
the country, fish, fowl, &c, which are more than plentiful. 
They that arrived there this year out of divers parts of Old 
England, say, that they never saw such a field of four hun- 
dred uteres of all sorts of English grain, as they saw at Win- 

42 P. Vincent's History 

ter-towne there. Yet that ground is not comparable to 
other parts of New England, as Salem, Ipswich, Newber- 
ry, &c. In a word, they have built fair towns of the land's 
own materials, and fair ships too, some whereof are here to 
be seen on the Thames; they have overcome cold and hun- 
ger, are dispersed securely in their plantations sixty miles 
along the coast, and within the land also, along some small 
creeks and rivers, and are assured of their peace, by killing 
the barbarians, better than our English Virginians were by 
being killed by them. For having once terrified them, by 
severe execution of just revenge, they shall never hear of 
more harm from them, except, perhaps, the killing of a man 
or two at his work, upon advantage, which their sentinels 
and corps-du-guards may easily prevent. Nay, they shall 
have those brutes their servants, their slaves, either wil- 
lingly or of necessity, and docible enough, if not obsequious. 
The numbers of the English amount to above thirty thousand, 
which, (though none did augment them out of England), 
shall every day be, doubtless, increased, by a faculty that 
God hath given the British islanders, to beget and bring 
forth more children than any other nation of the world. I 
could justify what I say from the mouths of the Hollanders, 
and adjoining provinces, where they confess, (though good 
breeders of themselves), that never woman bore two child- 
ren, nor yet had so many by one man, till the English and 
Scots frequented their wars, and married with them. I 
could give a good reason hereof from nature, as a philoso- 
pher, (with modesty be it spoken), but there is no need. 
The air of New England, and the diet, equal, if not excel- 
ling that of Old England : besides, their honor of marriage, 
and careful preventing and punishing of furtive congression, 
giveth them and us no small hope of their future puissance 
and multitude of subjects. Herein, saith the wise man, 
consisteth the strength of a king, and likewise of a nation, 
or kingdom. 

But the desire of more gain, the slavery of mankind, was 
not the only cause of our English endeavors for a plantation 
there. The propagation of religion was that precious jewel 
for which these merchant venturers compassed both sea and 
land, and went into a far country to search and seat them- 
selves. This I am sure they pretended, and I hope intend- 
ed. Only this blessing from my heart I sincerely wish 4hem, 

of the Pequot War. 43 

and shall ever beseech the Almighty to bestow upon them, 
devout piety towards God, faithful loyalty towards their 
sovereign, fervent charity among themselves, and discretion 
and §obriety in themselves, according to the saying of that 
blessed Apostle, Rom. xii. 3. Not to be wise (in spiritual 
things) above what w 
be wise unto wise sobriety. 
Doubtless there was no 
chastise the insolency of th 
cides, than a sharp war pursu 
and speed. Virginia our mother 
for her precedent a rule, hath taught 
do in these difficulties, forewarn 
They were endangered by their 
peace, secured by their enmity and 
the natives. From these experimen 
now inhabitants of those two sister 
out unto themselves an armor of 
lay a sure foundation to their future 





Originall Undertakings 





Into the parts of 



Shewing the beginning, progress and continuance 

of that of 


Written by the right Worshipfull, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 

Knight and Governour of the Fort and Island of 

Plymouth in DEVONSHIRE. 


Printed by E. Brudenell, for Nath. Brook at the 
Angell in Corn-hill. 1658. 

[Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the author of the following Tract, was Presi- 
dent of " The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, 
for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New England, in 
America." A very full account of his life is contained in the first volume 
of Belknap's American Biography. 

The Preface, on the next page, unquestionably belonging to this Tract, 
was, by some strange blunder, transposed and prefixed to Johnson's 
" Wonder- Working Providence," which work, as well as this, makes a 
part of Ferdinando Gorges, Esqr's. " America Painted to the Life," and 
is by him, with singular ignorance or consummate fraud, ascribed to his 
grandfather, Sir Ferdinando. Prince, in the Preface to his Annals, says, 
" In the genuine title-page no author is named. Some of the books were 
faced with a false title-page, wherein the work is wrongly ascribed to Sir 
F. Gorges. But the true author was Mr. [Edward] Johnson, of Woburn, 
in New-England, as the late Judge Sewall assured me, as of a thing fa- 
miliarly known among the fathers of the Massachusetts Colony." The 
remark of H. Ternaux, in his Bibliotheque Americaine, Paris, 1837, 
respecting the above mentioned volume, entitled " America Painted to 
the Life," is strictly true^" Une grande partie de ce livre n'est que la 
reimpression d'ouvrages que 1'auteur s'est appropries avec une rare im- 
pudence." The first Tract in that volume, as Mr. Savage observes, is 
" only a meagre abstract of Johnson." Publishing Committee.] 



I THOUGHT it a part of my duty, in this my Brief Narra- 
tion of our Plantations, to remember the original under- 
taking of those designs in the parts of America, by such 
noble spirits of our nation that first attempted it ; as well 
for the justification of the right thereof, properly belonging 
to kings of our nation, before any other prince or state, as 
also the better to .clear the claim made thereunto by the 
ambassador of France, in the behalf of his master, in the 
year 1624, whereto I was required to make answer (as 
more at large it appears in the discourse itself) ; withal to 
leave to posterity the particular ways by which it hath been 
brought to the height it is come unto, wherein the provi- 
dence of our great God is especially to be observed, who 
by the least and weakest means, oftentimes efFecteth great 
and wonderful things.; all which I have endeavored to con- 
tract in as short a compass as the length- of the time and 
the variety of the accidents would give leave. As for the 
truth thereof, I presume it is so publicly known, as malice 
itself dares not only question it ; though I know none, I 
thank my God, to whom I have given any just cause mali- 
ciously to attempt it, unless it be for the desire I had to do 
good to all without wronging of any, as by the course of my 
life to this present it may appear. 

If in the conclusion of my undertaking and expense of my 
fortunes to advance the honor and happiness of my nation, I 
have settled a portion thereof to those that in nature must 
succeed me, you may be pleased to remember that the 
laborer is worthy of his hire : 

That I have not exceeded others not better deserving ; 
that I go hand in hand with the meanest in this great work, 
to whom the charge thereof was committed by royal au- 
thority : 

That I have opened the way to greater employments, and 
shall be (as a hand set up in a cross way) in a desert coun- 

48 To the Reader. 

try to point all travellers in such like kind, how they may 
come safe to finish their journey's end, leaving an example 
to others, best affected to designs of such like nature, to 
prosecute their intents for further enlargement of those be- 
gun plantations, without trenching or intruding upon the 
rights and labors of others already possessed of what is 
justly granted them : 

Especially of such, who in some sort may be termed 
benefactors, as secondary donors of what (by God's favor) 
is had, or to be had from those springs they first found and 
left to posterity to bathe themselves in. But if there be any, 
otherwise affected, as better delighted to reap what they 
have not sown, or to possess the fruit another hath labored 
for, let such be assured, so great injustice will never want a 
woful attendance to follow close at the Jheels, if not stayed 
behind to bring after a more terrible revenge. But my trust 
is, such impiety will not be suddenly harbored where the 
whole work is, I hope, still continued for the enlargement 
of the Christian faith, the supportation of justice, and love 
of peace. In assurance whereof, I will conclude, and tell 
you, as I have lived long, so I have done what I could. Let 
those that come after me do for their parts what they ma}^ 
and I doubt not but the God that governs all, will reward 
their labors that continue in his service. To whom be glory 
for ever. Amen. 

Ferdinando Gorges. 


Of the First Seisin, Possession, and Name of Virginia. 

THAT Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and Sir Richard Gren- 
ville, and many others, noble spirits of our nation, 
attempted to settle a plantation in the parts of America, in 
the reign of Queen Elizabeth, is sufficiently published in the 
painful Collections of Mr. Hakluyt, together with the varia- 
ble successes of those undertakers ; of whose labor and 
charge there remained no other fruit than the primor seisin 
and royal possession taken thereof, as of right belonging to 
the crown of England, giving it the name of Virginia, in the 
memory and honor of that virgin queen, the wonder of her 
sex, by whose authority those attempts took their first life, 
and died not till the actors ended their days, and their chief 
supporters and advancers tried with so many fruitless 
attempts and endless charge without hope of profit to follow 
for many ages to come ; so that that attempt had its end, as 
many others since that of greater hopes and better ground- 
ed. But what shall we say ? As nothing is done but 
according to the time fore-decreed by God's sacred provi- 
dence, so doth he provide wherewith to accomplish the 
same in the fulness of it. But the mirror of queens being- 
summoned to the possession of a more glorious reign, left 
her terrestrial crown to her successor James, the Sixth of 
Scotland, to whom of right it did belong. 


The reasons and means of renewing the undertakings of Planta- 
tions in America. 

This great monarch gloriously ascending his throne, 
[1603] being born to greatness above his ancestors, to whom 


50 ■ Sir Ferdinando Gorges 9 s 

all submitted as to another Solomon for wisdom and justice, 
as well as for that he brought with him another crown, 
whereby those kingdoms that had so long contended for 
rights and liberties, perhaps oft-times pretended rather to 
satisfy their present purposes, than that justice required it. 
But such is the frailty of human nature as not to be content 
with what we possess, but strives by all means to inthrall 
the weaker that is necessitated to prevent the worst, though 
by such means sometimes to their greater ruin. With this 
union there was also a general peace concluded between 
the State and the King of Spain, the then only enemy of our 
nation and religion, whereby our men of war by sea and 
land were left destitute of all hope of employment under 
their own prince ; and therefore there was liberty given to 
them (for preventing other evils) to be entertained as mer- 
cenaries under what prince or state they pleased, — a liberty 
granted upon show of reason, yet of a dangerous conse- 
quence, when our friends and allies, that had long travailed 
with us in one and the same quarrel, should now find our 
swords sharpened as well against as for them. Howsoever 
reason of state approved thereof, the world forebore not to 
censure it, as their affections led them. Others grew jeal- 
ous what might be the issue, especially when it was found 
that by such liberty the sword was put into their hands, the 
law had prohibited them the use. Some there were, not 
liking to be servants to foreign states, thought it better 
became them to put in practice the reviving resolution of 
those free spirits, that rather chose to spend themselves in 
seeking a new world, than servilely to be hired but as slaugh- 
terers in the quarrels of strangers. This resolution being 
stronger than their means to put it into execution, they were 
forced to let it rest as a dream, till God should give the 
means to stir up the inclination of such a power able to 
bring it to life. 

And so it pleased our great God, that there happened to 
come into the harbor of Plymouth [July, 1605], (where I 
then commanded) one Captain Weymouth, that had been 
employed by the Lord Arundell of Wardour for the' discov- 
ery of the North-west passage ; but falling short of his 
course, happened into a river on the coast of America, 
called Pemmaquid [the Penobscot], from whence he brought 
five of the natives, three of whose names were Manida, 

Description of New- England. 51 

Skettwarroes, and Tasquantum, whom I seized upon. They 
were all of one nation, but of several parts and several fami- 
lies. This aecident must be acknowledged the means under 
God of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations, 
as by the ensuing discourse will manifestly appear. 


Of the use I made of the Natives. 

After I had those people some time in my custody, I 
observed in them an inclination to follow the example of the 
better sort, and in all their carriages manifest shows of great 
civility, far from the rudeness of our common people. And 
the longer I conversed with them, the better hope they gave 
me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our 
uses ; especially when I found what goodly rivers, stately 
islands and safe harbors those parts abounded with, being 
the special marks I levelled at, as the only want our nation 
met with in all their navigations along that coast. And 
having kept them full three years, I made them able to set 
me down what great rivers ran up into the land, what men 
of note were seated on them, what power they were of, how 
allied, what enemies they had, and the like ; of which in his 
proper place. 


Captain Henry Challoung sent to make his residence in the 
country till supplies came. 

Those credible informations the natives had given me of 
the condition and state of their country, made me [August, 
1606] send away a ship furnished with men and all neces- 
saries, provisions convenient for the service intended, under 
the command of Captain Henry Challoung, a gentleman of 
a good family, industrious, and of fair condition ; to whom I 
gave such directions and instructions for his better direction 
as I knew proper for his use and my satisfaction, being 
grounded upon the information I had of the natives, sending 

52 Sir Ferdinando Gorges's 

two of them with him to aver the same; binding both the 
captain, his master and company strictly to follow it, or to 
expect the miscarriage of the voyage to be laid unto their 
charge ; commanding them by all means to keep the north- 
erly gage, as high as Cape Britton, till they had discovered 
the main, and then to beat it up to the southward, as the 
coast tended, till they found by the natives they were near 
the place they were assigned unto. Though this were a 
direction contrary to the opinion of our best seamen of these 
times, yet I knew many reasons persuading me thereunto, 
as well as for that I understood the natives themselves to be 
exact pilots for that coast, having been accustomed to fre- 
quent the same, both as fishermen, and in passing along the 
shore to seek their enemies, that dwelt to the northward of 
them. But it is not in the wit of man to prevent the provi- 
dence of the Most High. 

For this captain being some hundred leagues of the 
island of Canary, fell sick of a fever, and the winds being 
westerly, his company shaped their course for the Indies, 
and coming to St. John de Porto Rico, the captain himself 
went ashore for the recovery of his health, whiles the com- 
pany took , in water, and such other provision as they had 
present use of, expending some time there, hunting after 
such things as best pleased themselves. That ended, they 
set their course to fall with their own height they were 
directed unto ; by which means they met the Spanish fleet 
that came from Havana, by whom they were taken and 
carried into Spain, where their ship and goods were confis- 
cate, themselves made prisoners, the voyage overthrown, 
and both my natives lost. This the gain of their breach of 
order, which, afterwards observed, brought all our ships to 
their desired ports. The affliction of the captain and his 
company put the Lord Chief Justice Popham to charge, and 
myself to trouble in procuring their liberties, which was not 
suddenly obtained. . . 

Description of New-England. 53 


The Lord Chief Justice despatching Captain Pr in from Bris- 
tol for the supply of Captain Challoung. 

Shortly upon my sending away of Captain Challoung, 
it pleased the Lord Chief Justice, according to his promise, 
to despatch Captain Prin from Bristol, with hope to have 
found Captain Challoung where by his instructions he was 
assigned ; who observing the same, happily arrived there, 
but not hearing by any means what became of him, after he 
had made a perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors 
he was informed of by his instructions, (the season of the 
year requiring his return) brings with him the most exact 
discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since ; 
and indeed he was the best able to perform it of any I met 
withal to this present ; which, with his relation of the coun- 
try, wrought such an impression in the Lord Chief Justice 
and us all that were his associates, that (notwithstanding 
our first disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it with 
effect, and that upon better grounds, for as yet our authority 
was but in motion. 


Of his Lordship's care in procuring His Majesty's authority 
for settling two Colonies. 

In this interim his Lordship failed not to interest many of 
the lords and others to be petitioners to his Majesty for his 
royal authority, for settling two Plantations upon the coasts 
of America, by the names of the First and Second Colony ; 
the first to be undertaken, by certain noblemen, knights, 
gentlemen, and merchants in and about the city of London; 
the second by certain knights, gentlemen, and merchants in 
the Western parts. This being obtained [1606], theirs of 
London made a very hopeful entrance into their design, 
sending away [June 2, 1609], under the command of Sir 
Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and many other gen- 
tlemen of quality, a very great and hopeful Plantation to 

54 Sir Ferdinando Gorges 9 s 

repossess the parts of Virginia. Sir Thomas Gates happily 
arrived in the bay of Jessepiok [in August], in which navi- 
gation Sir George Summers unhappily cast away his ship 
upon the islands of Bermathaes, since called the Summer 
Islands, in memory of hirn that deserved the honor for the 
great pains, care and industry he used out of the carcass of 
his wrecked ship to build a new barque sufficient for the 
transportation of himself, distressed company, and provision, 
to find out Sir Thomas Gates, who timely arrived, to the 
wonder of the rest of his consorts. 


The despatch of the first Plantation far the second Colony sent 
from Plymouth. 

By the same authority all things fully agreed upon between 
both the colonies, the Lord Chief Justice, his friends and 
associates of the West country, sent from Plymouth Captain 
Popham as President for that employment, with Captain 
Rawley Gilbert, and divers other gentlemen of note, in three 
sail of ships, with one hundred landmen for the seizing 
such a place as they were directed unto by the Council of 
that colony ; who departed from the coast of England the 
one-and-thirtieth day of May, anno 1607, and, arrived at 
their rendezvous the 8th of August following. As soon as 
the President had taken notice of the place, and given order 
for landing the provisions, he despatched away Captain Gil- 
bert, with Skitwarres his guide, for the thorough discovery 
of the rivers and habitations of the natives ; by whom he was 
brought to several of them, where he found civil entertain- 
ment and kind respects, far from brutish or savage natures, 
so as they suddenly became familiar friends ; especially by 
the means of Dehamda, and Skitwarres, who had been in 
England, Dehamda being sent by the Lord Chief Justice 
with Captain Prin, and Skitwarres by me in company; so as 
the President was earnestly entreated by Sassenow, Abere- 
met, and others the principal sagamores (as they call their 
great lords) to go to the Bashabas, who it seems was their 
king, and held a state agreeable, expecting that all stran- 
gers should have their address to him, not he to them. 

Description of New-England. 55 

To whom the President would have gone after several 
invitations, but was hindered by cross winds and foul weather, 
so as he was forced to return back without making good 
what he had promised, much to the grief of those sagamores 
that were to attend him. The Bashabas notwithstanding, 
hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit him, and 
to beat a trade with him for furs. How it succeeded, I 
could not understand, for that the ships were to be despatch- 
ed away for England, the winter being already come, for it 
was the 15th day of December before they set sail to return; 
who brought with them the success of what had passed in 
that employment, which so soon as it came to the Lord Chief 
Justice's hands, he gave out order to the Council for sending 
them back with supplies necessary. 


The sending supplies to the Colony, and the unhappy death of 
the Lord Chief Justice before* their departure. 

The supplies being furnished and all things ready, only 
attending for a fair wind, which happened not before the 
news of the Chief Justice's death was posted to them to be 
transported to the discomfort of the poor planters ; but the 
ships arriving there in good time, was a great refreshing to 
those that had had their storehouse and most of their pro- 
visions burnt the winter before. 

Besides that, they were strangely perplexed with the 
great and unseasonable cold they suffered, with that extre- 
mity as the like hath not been heard of since, and it seems 
was universal, it being the same year that our Thames was 
so locked up that they built their boats upon it, and sold 
provisions of several sorts to those that delighted in the no- 
velties of the times. But the miseries they had passed were 
nothing to that they suffered by the disastrous news they 
received of the death of the Lord Chief Justice, that suddenly 
followed the death of their President ; but the latter was 
not so strange, in that he was well stricken in years before 
he went, and had long been an infirm man. Howsoever 
heartened by hopes, willing he was to die in acting some- 
thing that might be serviceable to God and honorable to his 

56 Sir Ferdinando Gorges's 

country. But that of the death of the Chief Justice was such 
•a corrosive to all, as struck them with despair of future 
remedy, and it was the more augmented, when they heard of 
the death of Sir John Gilbert, elder brother of Rawley Gilbert 
that was then their President, a man worthy to be beloved of 
them all for his industry and care for their well-being. The 
President was to return to settle the state his brother had 
left him ; upon which all resolved to quit the place, [1608] 
and with one consent to away, by which means all our for- 
mer hopes were frozen to death ; though Sir Francis Popham 
could not so give it over, but continued to send thither 
several years after in hope of better fortunes, but found it 
fruitless, and was necessitated at last to sit down with the 
loss he had already undergone. 


My resolution not to abandon the prosecution of the business, in 
my opinion so well grounded. 

Although I were interested in all these misfortunes, and 
found it wholly given over by the body of the adventurers, 
as well for that they had lost the principal support of the 
design, as also that the country itself was branded by the 
return of the Plantation, as being over cold, and in respect 
of that not habitable by our nation. 

Besides, they understood it to be a task too great for par- 
ticular, persons to undertake, though the country itself, the 
rivers, havens, harbors upon that coast might in" time prove 
profitable to us. 

These last acknowledgments bound me confidently to 
prosecute my first resolution, not doubting but God would 
effect that which man despaired of. As for those reasons, 
the causes of others' discouragements, the first only was 
given to me, in that I had lost so noble a friend, and my 
nation so worthy a subject. As for the coldness of the 
clime, I had had too much experience in the world to be 
frighted with such a blast, as knowing many great kingdoms 
and large territories more northerly seated, and by many 
degrees colder than the clime from whence they came, yet 
plentifully inhabited, and divers of them stored with no 

Description of New-England. 57 

better commodities from trade and commerce than those parts 
afforded, if like industry, art and labor be used. For the 
last, I had no reason greatly to despair of means, when God 
should be pleased, by our ordinary frequenting that country, 
to make it appear it would yield both profit and content to 
as many as aimed thereat, these being truly (for the most 
part) the motives that all men labor, howsoever otherwise 
adjoined with fair colors and goodly shadows. 


A resolution to put new life into that scattered and lacerated 


Finding I could no longer be seconded by others, I be- 
came an owner of a ship myself, fit for that employment, 
and under color of fishing and trade, I got a master and 
company for her, to which I sent Vines and others my 
own servants with their provision for trade and discovery, 
appointing them to leave the ship and ship's company for 
to follow their business in the usual place, (for I knew they 
would not be drawn to seek by any means). By these and 
the help of those natives formerly sent over, I came to be 
truly informed of so much as gave me assurance that in time 
I should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced 
to hire men to stay there the winter quarter at extreme 
rates, and not without danger, for that the war had con- 
sumed the Bashaba and the most of the great sagamores, 
with such men of action as followed them, and those that 
remained were sore afflicted with the plague, [1616-17] so 
that the country was in a manner left void of inhabitants. 
Notwithstanding, Vines and the rest with him that lay in 
the cabins with those people that died, some more, some 
less mightily, (blessed be God for it) not one of them ever 
felt their heads to ache while they stayed there. And this 
course I held some years together, but nothing to my private 
profit, for what I got one way I spent another ; so that I 
began to grow weary of that business, as not for my turn 
till better times. 

58 Sit Ferdinando Gorges 9 s 


Captain Harley coming to me with a new proposition of ether 


While I was laboring by what means I might best con- 
tinue life in my languishing hopes, there comes one Captain 
Henry Harley unto me, bringing with him a native of the 
island of Capawick [Martha's Vineyard], a place seated to 
the southward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epenowe, a 
person of a goodly stature, strong and well proportioned. 
This man was taken upon the main with some twenty-nine 
others by a ship of London, that endeavored to sell them 
for slaves in Spain ; but being understood that they were 
Americans, and found to be unapt for their uses, they would 
not meddle with them, this being one of them they refused. 
Wherein they expressed more worth than those that brought 
them to the market, who could not but know that our nation 
was at that time in travail for settling of Christian colonies 
upon that continent, it being an act much tending to our 
prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as 
it shall further appear. How Captain Harley came to be 
possessed of this savage, I know not ; but I undestood by 
others how he had been showed in London for a wonder. 
It is true (as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave 
aspect, stout, and sober in his demeanor, and had learned 
so much English as to bid those that wondered at him, 
"Welcome! Welcome!" this being the last and best use 
they could make of him, that was now grown out of the 
people's wonder. The Captain, falling further into his 
familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance and friendship 
with those subject to the Bashaba, whom the Captain well 
knew, being himself one of the Plantation sent over by the 
Lord Chief Justice, and by that means understood much of 
his language, found out the place of his birth, nature of the 
country, their several kinds of commodities and the like; by 
which he conceived great hope that good might be made of 
him, if means could be found for his employment. But find- 
ing adventurers of that kind were worn out of date, after so 
many failings and so soon upon the return of our late colony, 
the gentleman calling to mind my aptness to designs of 

Description of New- England. 59 

that nature, lays up his rest to discover his greatest secrets 
to me, by whom he had hoped to rise or fall in this action. 
After he had spoken with me, and that I had seen his savage, 
though I had some reason to believe the gentleman in what 
he told me, yet I thought it not amiss to take some time 
before I undertook a business (as I thought) so improbable 
in some particulars. But yet I doubted not, my resolution 
being such (as is said) I might make some use of his service; 
and therefore wished him to leave him with me, giving him 
my word, that when I saw my time to send again to those 
parts, he should have notice of it, and I would be glad to 
accept of his service, and that with as great kindness as he 
freely offered it ; in the mean time, he might be pleased to 
take his own course. 


The reasons of my undertaking the employment for the island 

of Capawick. 

At the time this new savage came unto me, I had recov- 
ered Assacumet, one of the natives I sent with Captain 
Chalownes in his unhappy employment, with whom I lodged 
Epenaw, who at the first hardly understood one the other's 
speech ; till after a while I perceived the difference was no 
more than that as ours is between the Northern and South- 
ern people ; so that I was a little eased in the use I made of 
my old servant, whom I engaged to give account of what he 
learned by conference between themselves, and he as faith- 
fully performed it. Being fully satisfied of what he was able 
to say, and the time of making ready drawing on, following 
my pretended designs, I thought it became me to acquaint 
the thrice-honored Lord of Southampton with it, for that I 
knew the Captain had some relation to his Lordship, and I 
not willing in those days to undertake any matter extraor- 
dinary without his Eordship's advice; who approved of it so 
well that he adventured one hundred pounds in that employ- 
ment, and his Lordship being at that time commander of 
the Isle of Wight, where the Captain had his abiding under 
his Lordship, out of his nobleness was pleased to furnish 
me with some land soldiers, and to commend to me a grave 

60 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s 

gentleman, one Captain Hobson, who was willing to go that 
voyage and to adventure one hundred pounds himself. To 
him I gave the command of the ship, all things being ready, 
and the company came together, attending but for a fair 
wind. They set sail in June, in anno 1614, being fully 
instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, carry- 
ing with them Epenow, Assacomet, and Wenape, another 
native of those parts, sent me out of the Isle of Wight for my 
better information in the parts of the country of his knowl- 
edge. When as it pleased God that they were arrived upon 
the coast, they were piloted from place to place by the 
natives themselves as well as their hearts could desire. And 
coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make good 
his undertaking, the principal inhabitants of the place came 
aboard, some of them being his brothers, others his near 
cousins ; who, after they had communed, together, and were 
kindly entertained by the Captain, departed in their canoes, 
promising the next morning to come aboard again, and bring 
some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appear- 
ed) had contracted with his friends how he might make his 
escape without performing what he had undertaken, being 
in truth no more than he had told me he was to do though 
with loss of his life ; for otherwise, if it were found that he 
had discovered the secrets of his country, he was sure to 
have his brains knocked out as soon as he came ashore. For 
that cause I gave the Captain strict charge to endeavor by 
all means to prevent his escaping from them; and for the 
more surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my 
own kindred (two brothers of Sturton's, and Master Mat- 
thews) to be ever at hand with him, clothing him with long 
garments, fitly to be laid hold on if occasion should require. 
Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come at the 
time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain 
distance with their bows ready, the Captain calls to them 
to come aboard ; but they not moving, he speaks to Epenow 
to come unto him where he was, in the forecastle of the 
ship. He, being then in the waist of the ship between two of 
the gentlemen that had him in guard, starts suddenly from 
them, and coming to the Captain, calls to his friends in Eng- 
lish to come aboard ; in the interim slips himself overboard, 
and although he was taken hold of by one of the company, 
yet being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and 

Description of New-England. 61 

was no sooner in the water but the natives sent such a 
shower of arrows, and came withal desperately so near the 
ship, that they carried him away in despite of all the mus- 
keteers aboard, who were for the number as good as our 
nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particu- 
lar made void and frustrate, and they returned without doing 
more, though otherwise ordered how to have spent that 
summer to good purpose. But such are the fruits to be 
looked for, by employing men more zealous of gain than 
fraught with experience how to make it. 


Sir Richard Hakings undertook by authority from the Council 
of the second Colony to try what service he could do them as 
President for that year. 

Having received his commission and instructions, he 
departed in October, 1615, and spent the time of his being 
in those parts in searching of the country and finding out 
the commodities thereof. But the war was at the height, 
and the principal natives almost destroyed ; so that his 
observation could not be such as could give account of any 
new matter, more than formerly had been received. From 
thence he passed along the coast to Virginia, and stayed there 
some time in expectation of what he could not be satisfied 
in; so took his next course for Spain, to make the best of 
such commodities he had got together, as he coasted from 
place to place, having sent his ship laden with fish to the 
market before. And this was all that was done by any of 
us that year. 


Of the sending of Captain Rocraft to meet with Captain 
Dermor in New-England. 

About this time I received letters from Captain Dermor 
out of New-England, giving me to understand that there was 
one of my savages sent into those parts, brought from Malaga 

62 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s 

in a ship of Bristol, acquainting me with the means I might 
recover him; which I followed, and had him sent me, who 
was after employed with others in the voyage with Captain 
Hobson, sent to Capawike, as is above said. By this savage 
Captain Dermor understood so much of the state of his 
country, as drew his affections wholly to follow his hopes 
that way ; to which purpose he writes, that if I pleased to 
send a commission to meet him in New-England, he would 
endeavor to come from the New-found-land to receive it, 
and to observe such other instructions as I pleased to give 
him. Whereupon the next season [1619], I sent Captain 
Rocraft with a company I had of purpose hired for the serT 
vice. At his arrival upon the coast he met with a small 
barque of Dieppe, which he siezed upon, according to such 
liberties as was. granted unto him in such cases ; notwith- 
standing the poor Frenchman, being of our religion, I was 
easily persuaded, upon his petition, to give content for his loss, 
although it proved much to damage afterwards. For Captain 
Rocraft, being now shipped and furnished with all things 
necessary, left the coast, contrary to my directions, and 
went to Virginia, where he had formerly dwelt; and there 
falling into company with some of his old acquaintance, a 
quarrel happened between him and another, so that before 
he could get away he was slain ; by which accident the 
barque was left at random, (the most of the company being 
on shore). A storm arising, she was cast away, and all her 
provisions lost. Something was saved, but nothing ever 
came to my hands. 


Of my employment of Captain Dormer after his failings to 
come from the New-found-land to New-England. 

Captain Dormer being disappointed of his means to come 
from New-found-lancl to New England, took shipping for 
England, and came tome at Plymouth [1619], where I gave 
him an account of what I had done, and he me what his 
hopes were to be able to do me service, if I pleased to 
employ him. Hereupon I conferred his informations together 
with mine own I received by several ways, and found them 

Description of New- England. 63 

to agree in many the particulars of highest consequence and 
best considerations. Whereupon I despatched him away 
with the company he had gotten together, as fast as my own 
ship could be made ready for her ordinary employment, 
sending with him what he thought necessary, hoping to have 
met Captain Rocraft, where he was assigned to attend till 
he received further directions from me. But at the ship's 
arrival they found Captain Rocraft gone for Virginia, with 
all his company, in the barque he had taken, of which before. 
Captain Dormer arriving, and seeing Rocraft gone, was 
much perplexed. Yet so resolved he -was, that he ceased 
not to follow his design with the men and means which I 
had sent him ; and so shaped his course from Sagadahock 
in forty-four degrees, to Capawike, being in forty -one and 
thirty-six minutes, sending me a journal of his proceeding, 
■with the description of the coast all along as he passed. 
Passing by Capawike, he continued his course along the 
coast from harbor to harbor till he came to Virginia, where 
he expected to meet with Rocraft (as afore). But finding 
him dead, and all lost that should have supplied him, he was 
forced to shift as he could to make his return, and coming 
to Capawike and Nautican, and going first to Nautican and 
from thence to Capawike, he set himself and some of his 
people on shore, where he met with Epenow, the savage 
who had escaped, of whom before. This savage, speaking 
some English, laughed at his own escape, and reported the 
story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and 
was one of my servants, and that I was much grieved he had 
been so ill used as to be forced to steal away. This savage 
was so cunning, that after he had questioned him about. me 
and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he was come 
on purpose to betray him, and conspired with some of his 
fellows to take the Captain. Thereupon they laid hands 
upon him ; but he being a brave, stout gentleman, drew his 
sword and freed himself, but not without fourteen wounds. 
This disaster forced him to make all possible haste to Vir- 
ginia, to be cured of his wounds. At the second return he 
had the misfortune to fall sick and die of the infirmity many 
of our nation are subject unto at their first coming into those 
parts. The loss of this man, I confess, much troubled me, 
and had almost made me resolve never to intermeddle in 
any of those courses. 

64 Sir Ferdinando Gorges's 


The reasons of endeavoring to renew our first Patent, and to 
establish the form of Government by way of Corporation at 

After I had made so many trials of the state and com- 
modities of the country, and nature and condition of the 
people, and found all things agreeable to the ends I aimed 
at from the first, I thought it sorted with reason and justice 
to use the like diligence, order and care for our -affairs in 
the Northern Plantation, the Company of Virginia for the 
Southern, with some alteration of the form of government, 
as more proper (in our judgment) for affairs of that kind, 
and like enlargement of the borders, beginning where they 
ended at forty degrees, and from thence to forty-eight north- 
wards, and into the land from sea to sea. Of this my resolu- 
tion I was bold to offer the sounder considerations to divers 
of his Majesty's honorable Privy Council, who had so good 
liking thereunto, as they willingly became interested them- 
selves therein as patentees and counsellors for the managing 
of the business ; by whose favors I had the easier passage 
in the obtaining his Majesty's royal charter to be granted 
us, according to his warrant to the then Solicitor General, 
the true copy whereof followeth, viz. 

To Sir Thomas Coventry, Knight, his Majesty's Solicitor 

General : 

Whereas it is thought fit that a Patent of Incorporation 
be granted to the adventurers of the Northern Colony in 
Virginia, to contain the like liberties, privileges, power, 
authorities, lands and all other things within their limits, 
namely, between the degrees of forty and forty-eight, as 
were heretofore granted to the company in Virginia, except- 
ing only that whereas the said Company have a freedom of 
custom and subsidy for twenty-one years, and of impositions 
forever, this new Company is to be free of custom and sub- 
sidy for the like term of years, and of impositions after so 
long time as his Majesty shall please to grant unto them. 
This shall be therefore to will and require you to prepare a 

Description of New-England. 65 

Patent* ready for his Majesty's royal signature to the pur- 
pose aforesaid, leaving a blank for the time of freedom from 
imposition, to be supplied and put in by his Majesty; for 
which this shall be your warrant. Dated 23d July, 1620. 
Signed by the 

( Lord Chancellor. fLoRDDiGBY. 

| Lord Privy Seal. | Mr. Comptroller. 

<J Earl of Arundell. <j Mr. Secretary Naunton. 

j Mr. Secretary Calvert. | Master of the Wards. 

[Master of the Rolls. [ 


Showing the troubles I underwent by the reason of the Company 
of Virginia's exceptions, taken at the Patent granted by the 
Lords and others for the Affairs of New-England. 

I have briefly given you~ an account of the failings and 
disasters of what hath passed in those my former and foreign 
undertakings. I will now (with your patience) let you see 
some of my troubles I met with where I might have hoped 
for a comfortable encouragement. But such is (we com- 
monly see) the condition of human nature, that what is well 
intended and confidently pursued by a public spirit, is not- 
withstanding sometimes by others made subject to exceptions, 
and so prosecuted as a matter worthy of reprehension. So 
fared it with me at this present. For I had no sooner passed 
the Patent under the great seal, but certain of the Company 
of Virginia took exceptions thereat, as conceiving it tended 
much to their prejudice, in that they were debarred the 
intermeddling within our limits, who had formerly excluded 
us from having to do with theirs. Hereupon several com- 
plaints were made to the King and Lords of the Privy Council, 
who, after many deliberate hearings and large debate on both 
sides, saw no cause wherefore we should not enjoy what the 
King had granted us, as well as they what the King had 

[* This Patent is published in Hazard's Historical Collections, Vol. I. page 103. 
It is dated November 3, 1620. By this instrument forty noblemen, knights and 
gentlemen, were incorporated by the style of "The Cuuncil established at Plymouth, 
in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New- 
England, in America." This is the Great Charter of New-England, and the founda- 
tion of all the grants which were made wLhin its territory. Publishing Committee.'] 


66 Sir Ferdinando Gorges 1 s 

granted them, especially having obtained from him so many 
gracious favors over and above our aims ; as namely, several 
free gifts, divers great salaries, and other great advantages, 
to the value (as I have understood) of five or six hundred 
thousand pounds ; whereas our ambition only aimed at the 
enjoying of his Majesty's favor and justice to protect and 
support us in our freedoms, that we might peaceably reap 
the benefits of God's gracious gifts, raised by our own indus- 
tries, without any of their, help or hindrances ; our desires 
being so fair that all that were not over partial easily 
assented thereunto, and ordered it accordingly, as by the 
same it may appear. But that could not satisfy; for I was 
plainly told, that howsoever I had sped before the Lords, I 
should hear more of it the next Parliament, assuring me that 
they would have three hundred voices more than I. Where- 
upon I replied, If justice could be overthrown by voices, it 
should not grieve me to lose what I had so honestly gotten. 
The next Parliament was no sooner assembled [1621], but 
I found it too true wherewith I was formerly threatened, as 
you may see it following. 


My being summoned to appear in the House of Parliament to 
answer what was to he objected against the Patent of New- 

The whole House being dissolved into a Committee, Sir 
Edward Cook being in the chair, I was called for to the 
bar, where, after some space, it pleased him to tell me that 
the House understood that there was a Patent granted to me 
and divers other noble persons therein nominated, for the 
establishing of a colony in New-England. This (as it seems) 
was a grievance of the Commonwealth, and so complained 
of, in respect of many particulars therein contained contrary 
to the laws and privileges of the subjects, as also that it was 
a monopoly, and the color of planting a colony put upon it 
for particular ends and private gain, which the House was 
to look unto, and to -minister justice to all parties; assuring 
me further, that I should receive nothing but justice, and 
that the House would do no wrong to any ; that I was a 

Description of New-England. 67 

gentleman of honor and worth, but the public was to be 
respected before all particulars. But before they could 
descend to other matters in the business, the Patent was to 
be brought into the House ; therefore he required the deliv- 
ery of it. 

To this general charge and special command I humbly 
replied, that for my own part I was but a particular, person, 
and inferior to many to whom the Patent was granted, hav- 
ing no power to deliver it without their assents; neither in 
truth was it in my custody. But being demanded who had 
it, I answered that it remained still (for aught I knew) in the 
Crown Office, where it was left since the last Parliament; for 
that it was resolved to be renewed for the amendment of some 
faults contained therein ; from whence, if it pleased the 
House, they might command it, and dispose thereof as their 
wisdoms thought it good. But to the general charge I know 
not (under favor) how any action of that kind could be a 
grievance to the public, seeing at first it was undertaken for 
the advancement of religion, the enlargement of the bounds 
of our nation, the increase of trade, and the employment of 
many thousands of all sorts of people. 

That I conceived it could not be esteemed a monopoly, 
though it is true at the first discovery of the coast few 
were interested in the charge thereof/' for many could not 
be drawn to adventure in actions of that kind where they 
were assured of loss, and small hopes of gain. 

And indeed so many adventures had been made, and so 
many losses sustained and received, that all or the most 
part that tasted thereof grew weary, till now it is found by 
our constant perseverance therein, that some profit, by a 
course of fishing upon that coast, may be made extraordi- 
nary; which was never intended to be converted to private 
uses by any grant obtained by us from his Majesty, as by the 
several offers made to all the maritime cities and towns in 
the Western parts, that pleased to partake of the liberties 
and immunities granted to us by his Majesty ; which was 
desired principally for our warrant to regulate those affairs, 
the better to settle the public Plantation by the profits to 
be raised by such as sought the benefit thereof; being no 
more in effect than many private gentlemen and lords of 
manors within our own countries enjoyed at this present, 
and that both agreeable to the laws and justice of our nation 

68 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s 

without offence to the subjects' liberties. But for my par- 
ticular, I was glad of the present occasion that had so hap- 
pily called them together from all parts of the kingdom, to 
whom I was humbly bold, in the behalf of myself and the 
rest of those intrusted in the Patent, to make present proffer 
thereof to the House for the general estate of the whole 
kingdom, so they would prosecute the settling the Planta- 
tion, as from the first was intended ; wherein we would be 
their humble servants in all that lay in our power, without 
looking back to the great charge that had been expended in 
the discovery and seizure of the coast, and bringing it to 
the pass it was come unto. That what was more to be said 
to the Patent for the present, I humbly prayed I might receive 
in particular, to the end I might be the better furnished to 
give them answer thereunto by my counsel, at such time 
they pleased to hear me again, being confident I should not 
only have their approbation in the further prosecuting so 
well-grounded a design, but their furtherance also. How- 
soever, I was willing to submit the whole to their honorable 
censures. Hereupon it was ordered, that the Patent should 
be looked into by a committee assigned for that purpose, 
and the exceptions taken against it delivered to me, that had 
a prefixed day to attend them again with my counsel at law 
to answer to those their objections. 


My second appearance, with my Counsel. 

The time assigned being come, and I not receiving their 
objections (as by the House it was ordered) I attended with- 
out my counsel, in that I wanted upon which to build my 
instructions for preparing them, as in duty I ought. But 
being called, I humbly told them, that in obedience to their 
commands, I attended to receive the House's objections 
against the Patent of New-England; but it was not yet 
come to my hands. Where the fault was I knew not, and 
therefore I besought them to assign me a new day, and to 
order I might have it delivered to me as was intended. Or 
otherwise, if they so pleased, I was ready without my coun- 
sel to answer what could be objected, doubting they might 

Description of New- England. 69 

conceive I sought by delays to put off the business. To this 
it was answered by Sir Edward Cooke, that I had gained 
great favor of the House to receive the particulars in writing, 
by which I was able to plead my own cause (though as yet 
I had it not). But I acknowledged the greatness of their 
favors, and attended their further commands, according to 
the time assigned. 


My appearance the third time, together with my Counsel at Law. 

Having received the House's exceptions against the 
Patent, I drew up my full answers to every particular, and 
entertained for my counsel Mr. Finch of Gray's Inn (since 
that the Lord Finch), and Mr. Caltrup, afterwards Attorney 
General of the Court of Wards. To these I delivered my 
instructions, assigning them to proceed accordingly. But, 
as in great causes before great states, where the Court 
seems to be a party, counsel oftentimes is shy of wading 
farther than with their safety they may return. However, 
both did so well, the one for the matter of justice, the other 
for the matter of law, as in common judgment the objections 
were fully answered ; and they seeming to be at a stand, 
the House demanded of me what I had more to say myself. 
I being sensible wherein my counsel came short of my inten- 
tions, besought the House to take into their grave considera- 
tions, that the most part of the fishermen spoken of had, in 
obedience to his Majesty's royal grant, conformed themselves 
thereunto, and I hoped that they were but particular per- 
sons that opposed themselves against it. But admit all of 
them had joined together, yet had that belonged rather to 
the Council for those affairs to have complained of them for 
the many injuries and outrages done by them. That the 
Council, of their own charge and cost, had first discovered 
that goodly coast, and found that hopeful means to settle a 
flourishing Plantation for the good of this kingdom in general, 
as well great lords as knights, esquires, gentlemen, mer- 
chants, fishermen, tradesmen, husbaxidmen, laborers, and 
the like, and that both to honor and profit. That the enlarge- 
ment of the King's dominions, with the advancement of 

70 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s 

religion in those desert parts, are matters of highest conse- 
quence, and far exceeding a simple and disorderly course of 
fishing, which would soon be given over, for that so goodly 
a coast could not be long left unpeopled by the French, 
Spanish, or Dutch ; so that if the Plantation be destroyed, 
the fishing is lost, and then the profit and honor of our nation 
must perish (in all opinion) both to present and future ages, 
which these men principally aimed at. That the mischief 
already sustained by those disorderly persons, are inhumane 
and intolerable; for, first, in their manners and behavior 
they are worse than the very savages, impudently and openly 
lying with their women, teaching their men to drink drunk, 
to swear and blaspheme the name of God, and in their 
drunken humor to fall together by the ears, thereby giving 
them occasion to seek revenge. Besides, they cozen and 
abuse the savages in trading and trafficking, selling them salt 
covered with butter instead of so much butter, and the like 
cozenages and deceits, both to bring the planters and all 
our nation into contempt and disgrace, thereby to give the 
easier passage to those people that dealt more righteously 
with them ; that they sell unto the savages muskets, fowling- 
pieces, powder, shot, swords, arrow-heads, and other arms, 
wherewith the savages slew many of those fishermen, and 
are grown so able and so apt, as they become most danger- 
ous to the planters. And I concluded, 

That in this particular I had been drawn, out of my zeal 
to my country's happiness, to engage my estate so deeply 
as I had done ; and having but two sons I adventured the life 
of one of them (who is there at this present) for the better 
advancement thereof, (with others of his kinsmen of his own 
name, with many other private friends), which so nearly 
concerned me, that if I did express more passion than ordi- 
nary in the delivery thereof, I hoped the House would be 
pleased to pardon me; affirming, that if I should do less, I 
might appear willing to suffer them to perish by my negli- 
gence, connivance, improvidence or ungratefulness, to the 
dishonor of my nation, and burden of my own conscience. 
But these things being considered, I presume the honorable 
assembly will do what in all respects shall be both just and 
lawful, and that in confidence thereof, I will cease to be 
further troublesome. 

Description of New- England. 71 


What followed upon my Answer to the House's Exceptions. 

Being persuaded in my own understanding, as well as in 
the judgment of those that accompanied me, I had sufficiently 
satisfied the most part of the House, — the rather for that 
they forbade the lawyers to speak any more, after I began 
to deliver what I had to say for myself, — with this hope I 
departed, attending the success, but understanding (from 
those that were favorers and parties w ( ith rne) that my 
opposites held their resolutions to make it a public grievance, 
arid for such to present it to his Majesty. 

Hereupon I thought it became me to use my best means 
his Majesty might have sight of their exceptions and my 
answers, which accordingly was performed. So that at the 
time the House presented the public grievances of the 
kingdom, that of the Patent of New-England was the first. 
Wherein was declared, that having heard me and my learned 
counsel several days, but that I could not defend the same ; 
which the King observing was a little moved, finding the 
matter was made greater than the cause required. This 
their public declaration of the House's dislike of the cause 
shook off all my adventurers for plantation, and made many 
of the patentees to quit their interest, so that in all likelihood 
I must fall under the weight of so heavy a burden. But the 
justness of my cause being truly apprehended by the King, 
from which I understood he was not to be drawn to over- 
throw the Corporation he so much approved of in his own 
judgment, and I was wished not to omit the prosecution 
thereof, as cause required. But I thought better to forbear 
for the present, in honor and respect of what had passed in 
so public a manner between the King and his House of 
Commons ; who, shortly after, upon several reasons, rising 
from particular persons, who (as it seemed) were more lib- 
eral in their language than became them, trenching farther 
upon the King's prerogative power, he thought to be 
tolerated, as doubting of the consequence thereof. Where- 
upon the Parliament was dismissed, divers of those free 
speakers committed to the Tower, others to other prisons ; 
so that now I was called upcn to attend those affairs on 

12 Sir Ferdinando Gorges 9 s 

several accidents that happened. - As first, for that the 
French ambassador made challenge to those territories 
granted us by the King our sovereign, in the behalf of the 
King of France, his master, as belonging to his subjects, that 
by his authority were possessed thereof, as a part of Nova 
France. To which I was commanded by the King to give 
answer to the ambassador his claim, which was sent me 
from the Lord Treasurer, under the title of Le Memorial de 
Monsieur Seigneur le Conte de Tillieres, Ambassadeur pour le 
Roy de France, Whereunto I made so full a reply (as it 
seems) there was no more heard of that their claim. 

But as Captain Dormer, who (as I said) was .coasting that 
country, met with some Hollanders that were settled in a 
place we call Hudson's river, in trade with the natives ; 
who, in the right of our Patent, forbad them the place, as 
being by his Majesty appointed to us. Their answer was, 
they understood no such thing, nor found any of our nation 
there, so that they hoped they had not offended. However, 
this their communication removed them not, but upon our 
complaining of their intrusion to his Majesty, order was 
given to his ambassadors to deal with the States, to know 
by what warrant any of their subjects took upon them to 
settle within those limits by him granted to his subjects, 
who were royally seized of a part thereof. To which was 
answered, that they knew of no such thing. If there were 
any, it was without their authority, and that they only had 
enacted the Company for the affairs of the West Indies. 
This answer being returned, made us to prosecute our busi- 
ness, and to resolve of the removing of those interlopers, to 
force them to submit to the government of those to whom 
that place belonged. Thus you may see how many burthens 
I travailed under of all sides, and yet not come near my 
journey's end. 


Of the descent of Mr. Perce, Mr. Day, others their associates, 
within our limits, being bound for Virginia. 

Before the unhappy controversy happened between those 
of Virginia and myself (as you have heard), they were forced 

Description of New- England. 73 

through the great charge they had been at, to hearken to 
any propositions that might give ease and furtherance to so 
hopeful a business. To that purpose, it was referred to 
their considerations how necessary it was that means might 
be used to draw into those enterprises some of those fami- 
lies that had retired themselves into Holland for scruple of 
conscience, giving them such freedom and liberty as might 
stand with their likings. This advice being hearkened unto, 
there were that undertook the putting it in practice, and 
accordingly brought it to effect so far forth, as that the three 
ships (such as their weak fortunes were able to provide), 
whereof two proved unserviceable and so were left behind, 
the third with great difficulty recovered the coast of New- 
England [December, 1620], where they landed their people, 
many of them weak and feeble through the length of the 
navigation, the leakiness of the ship, and want of many other 
necessaries such undertakings required. But they were not 
many days ashore before they had gotten both health and 
strength, through the comfort of the air, the store of fish and 
fowl, with plenty of wholesome roots and herbs the country 
afforded; besides the civil respect the natives used towards 
them, tending much to their happiness in so great extremity 
they were in. After they had well considered the state of 
their affairs, and found that the authority they had from the 
Company of Virginia could not warrant their abode in that 
place, which they found so prosperous and pleasing to them, 
they hastened away their ship, with order to their Solicitor 
to deal with me, to be a means they might have a grant* 
from the Council of New-England's affairs to settle in the 
place ; which was accordingly performed to their particular 
satisfaction and good content of them all ; which place was 
after called New Plymouth, where they have continued ever 
since very peaceable, and in all plenty of all necessaries 
that nature needeth, if that could satisfy our vain affections. 
Where I will leave them for the present. 

[* A grant was made in 1623 to John Pierce, in trust for the Colony. This was 
their first Patent. In 1629 they had another made to William Bradford and his 
associates; a copy of which may be seen in Hazard's Historical Collections, Vol. L 
page 29b. Publishing Com?nittee.J 


74 Sir Ferdinando Gorges's 


My son Captain Robert Gorges sent by authority of the Council 
for those Affairs, as their Lieutenant General. 

The several complaints made to the Council of the abuses 
committed by several the fishermen, and other interlopers, 
who without order from them frequented those coasts, tend- 
ing to the scorn of our nation, both to the ordinary mixing 
themselves with their women, and other beastly demeanors, 
tending to drunkenness, to the overthrow of our trade, and 
dishonor of the government. 

For reformation whereof, and to prevent the evils that 
may ensue, they were pleased to resolve of the sending some 
one into those parts as their Lieutenant, to regulate the 
estate of their affairs and those abuses. Hereupon my son 
Robert Gorges, being newly come out of the Venetian war, 
was the man they were pleased to pitch upon, being one of 
the Company, and interested in a proportion of the land with 
the rest of the Patentees in the Bay of the Majechewsett, 
containing ten miles in breadth and thirty miles into the 
main land ; who, between my Lord Gorges and myself, was 
speedily sent away into the said Bay of Massechewset, where 
he arrived about the beginning of August following, anno 
1623, that being the place he resolved to make his resi- 
dence, as proper for the public as well as for his private ; 
where landing his provisions and building his storehouses,* 
he sent to them of New Plymouth (who by his commission 
were authorized to be his assistants) to come unto him, who 
willingly obeyed his order, and as carefully discharged their 
duties ; by whose experience he suddenly understood what 
was to be done with the poor means he had, believing the 
supplies he expected would follow according to the under- 
takings of divers his familiar friends who had promised as 
much. But they, hearing how I sped in the House of Par- 
liament, withdrew themselves; and myself and friends were 
wholly disabled to do any thing to purpose. The report of 
these proceedings with us coming to my son's ears, he was 

[* The spot on which Robert Gorges fixed as the seat of his Plantation, was Wes- 
sagusset, or Weymouth, where Weston had previously attempted a settlement. 

Publishing Committee.] 

Description of Netv- England. 75 

advised to return home till better occasion should offer itself 
unto him. « 

Here follows my son Captain Gorges's Patent. 

To all to whom these Presents shall come, the Council for the 
Affairs of New-England in America send Greeting : 

Whereas it hath pleased the King's Most Excellent 
Majesty, by his royal grant bearing date the third day of 
November, in the eighteenth year of his Majesty's reign 
over this his Highness's realm of England, &c, for divers 
causes therein expressed, absolutely to give, grant, and 
confirm unto us, the said Council and our successors, all the 
foresaid land of New-England, lying and being from forty to 
forty-eight degrees of northerly latitude, and in length by 
all that breadth aforesaid, from sea to sea throughout the 
main land, together with all the woods, waters, rivers, soils, 
havens, harbors, islands, and other commodities whatsoever 
thereunto belonging, *with all privileges, pre-eminences, 
profits and liberties by sea and land, as by the said grant, 
amongst other" things therein contained, more at large 
appeareth : — Now know all men by these presents, that we 
the Council of New-England, for and in respect of the good 
and special service done by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, 
to the Plantation, from the first attempt thereof unto this 
present, as also for many other causes us hereunto moving, 
and likewise for and in consideration of the payment of one 
hundred and sixty pounds of lawful English money unto the 
hands of our Treasurer by Robert Gorges, son of the said 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, whereof, and of every part 
and parcel whereof, the said Robert Gorges, his heirs, 
executors and assigns are forever acquitted and discharged 
by these presents, have given, granted and confirmed, and 
by these presents do give, grant and confirm unto the said 
Robert Gorges, his heirs and assigns forever, all that part 
of the main land in New-England aforesaid, commonly called 
or known by the name of Messachusiack, situate, lying and 
being upon the northeast side of the Bay called or known 
by the name of Messachuset, or by what other name or names 
soever it be or shall be called or known, together with all 
the shores and coasts along the sea for ten English miles in 
a straight line towards the rortheast, accounting one thou- 

76 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s 

sand seven hundred sixty yards to the mile, and thirty Eng- 
lish miles (after the same rate) unto the main land through 
all the breadth aforesaid, together with all the islets and 
islands lying within three miles of any part of the said lands 
(except such islands as are formerly granted), together also 
with all the lands, rivers, mines and minerals, woods, quar- 
ries, marshes, waters, lakes, fishings, huntings, fowlings, 
and commodities and hereditaments whatsoever, with all 
and singular their appurtenances, together with all preroga- 
tives, rights, jurisdictions and royalties, and power of judi- 
cature in all causes and matters whatsoever, criminal, capital 
and civil, arising, or which may hereafter arise within 
the limits, bounds and precincts aforesaid, to be executed 
according to the Great Charter of England, and such laws 
as shall be hereafter established by public authority of the 
State assembled in Parliament in New-England, to be exe- 
cuted and exercised by the said Robert Gorges, his heirs 
and assigns, or his or their deputies, lieutenants, judges, 
stewards or other officers thereunto by him or them assign- 
ed, deputed or appointed from time to time, with all other 
privileges, franchises, liberties and immunities, with escheats 
and casualties thereof arising, or which shall or may 
hereafter arise within the said limits and precincts, with all 
the interest, right, title, claim and demand whatsoever, 
which we the said Council and our successors now of right 
have or ought to have and claim, or may have or acquire 
hereafter, in or to the said portion of lands, or islands, or 
any the premises, in as free, ample, large and beneficial 
manner, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoev- 
er, as we the said Council by his Majesty's said letters patent 
may or can grant the same, saving and always reserving 
unto the said Council, and their successors, and to the Court 
of Parliament hereafter to be in New-England aforesaid, and 
to either of them, power to receive, hear and determine all 
and singular appeal and appeals of every person and persons 
whatsoever, dwelling or inhabiting within the said territories 
and islands, or either or any of them, to the said Robert 
Gorges granted as aforesaid, of and from all judgments and 
sentences whatsoever given within the said territories, — to 
have and to hold all and every the lands and premises above 
by these presents granted (except before excepted) with their 

Description of New-England. . 77 

and every of their appurtenances, with all the royalties, 
jurisdictions, mines, minerals, woods, fishing, fowling, hunt- 
ing, waters, rivers, and all other profits, commodities and 
hereditaments whatsoever,, within the precincts aforesaid, or 
to the said lands, islands or premises, or any of them in any 
wise belonging or appertaining, to the said Robert Gorges, 
his heirs and assigns forever, to the only proper use and 
behoof of the said Robert Gorges, his heirs and assigns for 
evermore; to be held of the said Council, and their succes- 
sors, per Gladium Comitatus, that is to say, by finding four 
able men, conveniently armed or arrayed for the wars, to 
attend upon the Governor for any service within fourteen 
days after warning, and yielding and paying unto the said 
Council one fiftieth part of all the ore of the mines of gold 
and silver which shall be had, possessed and obtained within 
the precincts aforesaid, for all services and demands what- 
soever, to be delivered into the Tower of London in England, 
to and for the use of his Majesty, his heirs and successors 
from time to time. And lastly know ye, »that we the said 
Council have deputed, authorized and appointed, and in our 
place and stead have put David Thomson, # Gent., or in his 
absence any other person that shall be their Governor, or 
other officer unto the said Council, to be our true and 
lawful attorney and attorneys, and in our name and stead 
to enter into the said lands, and other the premises with 
their appurtenances, or into some part thereof, in the name 
of the whole, for us and in our names to have and take pos- 
session and seisin thereof, and after such possession and 
seisin thereof, or of some other part thereof had and taken, 
then for us and in our name to deliver the same unto the 
said Robert Gorges or his heirs, or to his or their certain 
attorney or attorneys, to be by him or his heirs appointed 
in that behalf, according to the true intent and meaning of 
these presents, ratifying, confirming and allowing all and 
whatsoever our attorney or attorneys shall do in or about 
the premises, or in part thereof by virtue of these presents. 
In witness whereof, we have affixed our common seal, the 
thirtieth day of December, hi the year of the reign of our 
sovereign lord, James, by the grace of God, of England, 

[* This is the person after whom Thompson's Island, in Boston harbor, is named. 

-Publishing Committee.] 

78 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s 

France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c, the 
twentieth, and of Scotland the fifty-sixth. 

Lenox Hamilton. 

Arrundell Surrey. 

Barn. Goach. 

Robert Mansell. 

Wi. Boles. 


Captain John Mason the means of interesting the Scottish nation 
into that of Neiv Scotland. 

Captain John Mason was himself a man of action, and 
had been some time Governor of a Plantation in the New- 
found-land. His time being expired there, he returned into 
England, where he met with Sir William Alexander, who 
was Master of Requests to his Majesty for the realm of Scot- 
land, but since Earl of Sterling, who, hearing of Captain 
Mason's late coming out of the New-found-land, was desi- 
rous to be acquainted with him. To that end he invited 
him to his house, and after he had thoroughly informed him- 
self of the estate of that country, he declared his affection to 
plantation, and wished the Captain to be a means to procure 
him a grant of the Planters thereof for a portion of land with 
them; who effected what he desired. The Captain, under- 
standing how far forth I had proceeded in the business of 
New-England, advised him to deal with me for a part of 
what we might conveniently spare, without our prejudice, 
within the bounds of our grant. Sir William Alexander, 
intending to make himself sure of his purpose, procured his 
Majesty (for what could they not do in those times in such 
cases?) to send to me to assign him a part of our territories. 
His Majesty's gracious message was to me as a command 
agreeing with his pleasure to have it so. Whereupon an 
instrument was presently drawn for the bounding thereof, 
which was to be called New Scotland, which afterwards was 
granted him by the King under the seal of Scotland. Thus 
much I thought fit to insert by the way, that posterity might 
know the ground from whence businesses of that nature had 
their original. 

Description of New-England. 79 


Lieutenant Colonel Norton undertaking to settle a Plantation 
on the river of Agomentico, if I pleased to bear a part with 
him and his associates. 

This gentleman was one I had long known, who had 
raised himself from a soldier to the quality he had, from a 
corporal to a sergeant, and so upward. He was painful 
and industrious, well understanding what belonged to his 
duties in whatsoever he undertook, and strongly affected 
to the business of plantation. Having acquainted me of 
his designs and of his associates, I gave him my word I 
would be his intercessor to the Lords for obtaining him 
a Patent for any place he desired; not already granted 
to any other. But conceiving he should be so much the 
better fortified, if he could get me to be an undertaker 
with him and his associates, upon his motion I was 
contented my grandson Ferdinando should be nominated 
together with him and the rest ; to whom was passed a 
Patent of twelve thousand acres of land upon the east side 
of the river Agomentico, and twelve thousand of acres more 
of land on the west side to my said son Ferdinando. Here- 
upon he and some of his associates hastened to take posses- 
sion of their territories [1623], carrying with them their 
families, and other necessay provisions ; and I sent over for 
my son, my nephew Captain William Gorges, who had been 
my lieutenant in the fort of Plymouth, with some other 
craftsmen for the building of houses and erecting of saw- 
mills ; and by other shipping from Bristol, some cattle, with 
other servants; — by which the foundation of the Plantation 
was laid. And I was the more hopeful of the happy success 
thereof, for that I had not far from that place Richard 
Vines, a gentleman and servant of my own, who was settled 
there some years before, and had been interested in the 
discovery and seizure thereof for me, as formerly hath been 
related ; by whose diligence and care those my affairs had 
the better success, as more at large will appear in its proper 

80 Sir Ferdinando Gorges's 


What followed the breaking up of the Parlia?nent in such 


The King, not pleased with divers the passages of some 
particular persons, who in their speeches seemed to trench 
farther on his royal prerogative than stood with his safety 
and honor to give way unto, suddenly brake off the Parlia- 
ment. Whereby divers were so fearful what would follow 
so unaccustomed an action, some of the principal of those 
liberal speakers being committed to the Tower, others to 
other prisons — which took all hope of reformation of Church 
government from many not affecting Episcopal jurisdiction 
nor the usual practice of the common prayers of the Church, 
whereof there were several sorts, though not agreeing among 
themselves, yet all of like dislike of those particulars. Some 
of the discreeter sort, to avoid what they found themselves 
subject unto, made use of their friends to procure from the 
Council for the Affairs of New-England to settle a colony 
within their limits; to which it pleased the thrice-honored 
Lord of Warwick to write to me, then at Plymouth, to con- 
descend that a Patent might be granted to such as then 
sued for it. Whereupon I gave my approbation so far forth 
as it might not be prejudicial to my son Robert Gorges's 
interests, whereof he had a Patent under the seal of the 
Council. Hereupon there was a grant passed as was thought 
reasonable ; but the same was after enlarged by his 
Majesty, and confirmed under the great seal of England, 
by the authority whereof the undertakers proceeded so effec- 
tually, that in a very short time numbers of people of all 
sorts flocked thither in heaps, that at last it was specially 
ordered by the King's command, that none should be suf- 
fered to go without license first had and obtained, and they 
to take the oaths of supremacy and allegiance. So that 
what I long before prophesied, when I could hardly get any 
for money to reside there, was now brought to pass in a high 
measure. The reason of that restraint was grounded upon 
the several complaints, that came out of those parts, of the 
divers sects and schisms that were amongst them, all con- 
temning the public government of the ecclesiastical state. 
And it was doubted that they would, in short time, wholly 
shake off the royal jurisdiction of the Sovereign Magistrate. 



Showing the Reasons of my desire and others my Associates to 
resign the Grand Patent to his Majesty, and the dividing of 
the Seacoasts between the Lords who had continued constant 
favorers and followers thereof 

After I had passed all those failings in my first attempts 
you have heard of, and had undergone those home storms 
afore spoken of by those of Virginia, I would willingly have 
sat down in despair of" what I aimed at, but was stirred up 
and encouraged by the most eminent of our Company, not 
to give over the business his Majesty did so much approve 
of, whose gracious favor I should not want, and whereof I 
had already sufficient proof. Hereupon I began again to 
erect my thoughts how aught might be effected to advance 
the weak foundation already laid, when, as it so pleased God 
to have it, in the year 1621, after the Parliament that then 
sat brake off in discontent, I was solicited to consent to the 
passing of a Patent to certain undertakers who intended to 
transport themselves into those parts, with their whole 
families, as I showed before. The liberty they obtained 
thereby, and the report of their well doing, drew after them 
multitudes of discontented persons of several sects and con- 
ditions, insomuch that they began at last to be a pester to 
themselves, threatening a civil war before they had estab- 
lished a civil form of government between themselves. And 
doubtless had not the patience and wisdom of Mr. Winthrop, 
Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others their assistants, 
been the greater, much mischief would suddenly have over- 
whelmed them, more than did befall them. Notwithstand- 

82 Sir Ferdinando Gorges 9 s 

ing, amongst those great swarms there went many that 
wanted not love and affection to the honor of the King, 
and happiness of their native country. However, they were 
mixed with those that had the state of the established Church 
government in such scorn and contempt, as finding them- 
selves in a country of liberty, where tongues might speak 
without control, many, fuller of malice than reason, spared 
not to speak the worst that evil affections could invent, in- 
somuch that the distance of the place could not impeach the 
transportation thereof to the ears of those it most concerned, 
and who were bound in honor and justice to vindicate the 
State he was so eminent a servant unto. 

Hereupon the King and his Council began to take into 
their serious considerations the consequences that might 
follow so unbridled spirits, and the Lords interested in the 
government of those affairs finding the King's dislike thereof, 
considered how to give his Majesty and his Council of State 
some satisfaction for the time to come, anno 1622. There- 
upon it was ordered, that none should be suffered to pass 
into New-England, but such as did take the oaths of supre- 
macy and allegiance. This held some time, but was omit- 
ted till the year 1631 ; till which time, as the daily reports 
brought over word of their continued misdemeanors,, for that 
at last I, myself was called upon (with others) as being the 
supporter and author of all that was distasteful. I confessed 
indeed that I had earnestly sought by all means the planting 
of those parts by those of our own nation, and that for divers 
weighty considerations, approved of by the King and his 
Council ; but could not expect that so many evils should 
have happened thereby. This answer served for the present, 
but could not wipe away the jealousy that was had of me, 
though I labored continually to put off the scandalous opinion 
of such as daily did endeavor to do me evil offices, which I 
found with the latest ; but was thereupon moved to desire 
the rest of the Lords that were the principal actors in the 
business, that we might resign our grand patent to the King, 
and pass particular patents to ourselves of such parts of the 
country along the seacoast as might be Sufficient for our 
own uses, and such of our private friends as had affections 
to works of that nature. To this motion there was a gene- 
ral assent by the Lords, and a day appointed too, for the 
conclusion thereof [April 25, 1635]. 

Description of New-England. 83 


The meeting of the Lords for the dividing of the Coast. 

The time being come their Lordships had appointed, an 
Act was made for the resignation of the Patent,* with tne 
confirmation of our particulars, where the bounds were thus 
laid out : beginning from the westernmost parts of our bounds 
eastwards, where the Lord of Mougrave began his limits, 
and ended the same at the river called Hudson's river ; to 
the eastward of the river was placed the Duke of Lenox, 
since Duke of Richmond, to the end of sixty miles eastward; 
next to him was placed the Earl of Carlisle ; next to him 
the Lord Edward Gorges ; next to him was settled the 
Marquis Hamilton ; next to him Captain John Mason ; and 
lastly myself, whose bounds extended from the midst of 
Merimeck to the great river of Sagadehocke, being sixty 
miles, and so up into the main land one hundred and twenty 


The Orders that are settled for the government of my said 


Being now seized of what I had travailed for above forty 
years, together with the expenses of many thousand pounds, 
and the best time of my age laden with troubles and vexa- 
tions from all parts, as you have heard, I will now give you 
an account in what order I have settled my affairs in that 
my Province of Maine, with the true form and manner of 
the government, according to the authority granted me by 
his Majesty's royal charter. First, I divided the whole into 
eight bailiwicks or counties, and 'those again into sixteen 
several hundreds, consequently into parishes and tithings, 
as people did increase and the provinces were inhabited. 

[* A copy of this Act of Surrender of the Great Charter of New-England may be 
seen in the first volume of Hazard's Historical Collections, page 393. Pub. Com.] 

[t Sir Ferdinando Gorges's Patent of his Province of Maine is published in full in 
the first volume of Hazard's Historical Collections, page 442. It is dated April 3d, 
1639. Publishing Committee.] 

84 Sir Ferdinando Gorges's 


The manner and form of the Government I have established for 
the ordering of the public affairs within my Province of 

First, in my absence I assigned one for my Lieutenant or 
deputy, to whom I adjoined a Chancellor for the determin- 
ation of all differences arising between party and party, for 
meum and tuum; only next to him I ordained a Treasurer for 
receipt of the public revenue ; to them I added a Marshal 
for the managing of the militia, who hath for his lieutenant 
a Judge-Marshal and other officers to the Marshal Court, 
where is to be determined all criminal and capital matters, 
with other misdemeanors or contentions for matter of honor 
and the like. To these I appointed an Admiral, with his 
lieutenant or judge, for the ordering and determining of 
maritime causes, whose court is only capable of what passeth 
between party and party, concerning trades and contracts 
for maritime causes, either within the province or on the 
seas, or in foreign parts, so far as concerns the inhabitants, 
their factors or servants, as is usual here in England. Next 
I ordered a Master of the Ordnance, whose office is to take 
charge of all the public stores belonging to the militia both 
for sea and land ; to this I join a Secretary, for the public 
service of myself and Council. These are the Standing 
Counsellors. To whom is added eight deputies, to be elect- 
ed by the freeholders of the several counties, as counsellors 
for the state of the country, who are authorized by virtue of 
their places to sit in any of the aforesaid courts, and to be 
assistants to the Presidents thereof, and to give their opin- 
ions according to justice, &c. That there is no matter of 
moment can be determined of, neither by myself, nor by 
my Lieutenant in my absence, but by the advice and assent 
of the whole body of the Council or the greater part of them, 
sufficiently called and summoned to the Assembly. 

That no judge or other minister of state to be allowed of, 
but by the advice and assent of the said Council, or the 
greater part of them, as before. 

That no alienation or sale of land be made to any, but by 

Description of New-England. 85 

their counsel and assent, be it by way of gift for reward, or 
service, or otherwise whatsoever. 

That no man to whom there hath been any grant passed 
of any freehold, shall alienate the same without the assent 
and license of the said Council, first had and obtained. 

That in case any law be to be enacted, or repealed, 
money to be levied, or forces raised for public defence, 
the summons thereof to the several bailiwicks, or counties, 
is to be issued out in my name, but with the consent of the 
said Council ; by virtue whereof, power is to be given to the 
freeholders of the said counties respectively, to elect and 
choose two of the most worthy within the said county as 
deputies for the whole, to join with the Council for perform- 
ance of the service for which they were called to that 
assembly, all appeals made for any wrong or injustice com- 
mitted by any the several officers of any the standing courts 
of justice, or authority of any other person or persons. 

For the better ease of the inhabitants of the several bai- 
liwicks or counties, there is assigned one lieutenant, and 
eight justices, to administer justice for maintenance of the 
public peace, according to the laws provided ; these officers 
and justices to be chosen and allowed of by myself, or any 
lieutenant in my absence, with the assent of the said Coun- 
cil, belonging unto me. 

As for the constables of the hundreds, constables of the 
parishes, with the several tithing-men of every parish, to be 
chosen by the lieutenant and justices of the several coun- 
ties, to whom such oaths are to be administered, as by the 
Council, and myself or Lieutenant, shall be thought fit. 

That every hundred shall have two head constables assign- 
ed them, and every parish one constable and four tithing- 
men, who shall give account to the constable of the parish 
of the demeanor of the householders within his tithing, and 
of their several families. The constable of the parish shall 
render the same account, fairly written, to the constables of 
the hundred, or some of them, who shall present the same 
to the lieutenant and justices at their next sitting, or before 
if cause require, and if it be matter within the power of the 
lieutenant and justices to determine of, then to proceed 
therein according to their said authority; otherwise to com- 
mend it to myself or my Lieutenant and Council. 

These few particulars I ha\e thought fit to commend (as 

86 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s 

briefly as I can) unto all whom it iriay please to take notice 
thereof, heartily desiring they will not be sparing modestly 
to censure what they conceive proper to be amended, in 
that I chose rather to serve such whose wisdom, moderation 
and judgments exceed my own, than passionately or willingly 
to persist in my private fancy, or to be aggrieved at or envy 
their better judgments. 


My Answer to some Objections. 

But hearing that it is objected by many, if there be such 
hopes of honor, profit and content in those parts, how comes 
it to pass that yourself have not tasted thereof in all this 
time, having employed so many of your own servants, as by 
this discourse it seems you have done, and yet nothing 
returned. As this objection is just, so I hope a reasonable 
answer will satisfy any reasonable man; whom I desire in 
the first place to consider, that I began when there was no 
hopes for the present but of loss, in that I was yet to find a 
place, and being found, itself was in a manner dreadful to 
the beholders, for it seemed but as a desert wilderness, 
replete only with a kind of savage people and overgrown 
trees. So as I found it no mean matter to procure any to 
go thither, much less to reside there ; and those I sent 
knew not how to subsist, but on the provisions I furnished 
them withal. 

Secondly, I dealt not as merchants or tradesmen are wont, 
seeking only to make mine own profit, my ends being to 
make perfect the thorough discovery of the country, (where- 
in I waded so far with the help of those that joined with me) 
as I opened the way for others to make their gain, which 
hath been the means to encourage their followers to prose- 
cute it to their advantage. Lastly, I desire all that have 
estates here in England to remember, if they never come 
near their people to take accounts of their endeavors, what 
they gain by those courses. 

Besides, when there is no settled government or ordinary 
course of justice, which way is left to punish offenders or 
misspenders of their masters' goods 1 Do not servants, nay 

Description of New-England. . 87 

sons, the like in these parts ; and are there not many that 
misspend the estates their fathers left them ? Yet I have not 
sped so ill (I thank my God for it), but I have a house and 
home there, and some necessary means of profit by my 
saw-mills and corn-mills, besides some annual receipts suf- 
ficient to lay a foundation for greater matters, now the gov- 
ernment is established. 

Let not therefore my evil fortunes or hindrances be a 
discouragement to any, seeing there are so many precedents 
of the happy success of those that are their own stewards, 
and disposers of their own affairs in those parts ; nay, such 
as I have sent over at my own charge at first, are now able 
to live and maintain themselves with plenty and reputation. 
So, as to doubt of well doing for that another hath not pros- 
pered, or to be abused by those he trusted, is to despair 
without a cause, and to lose himself without trial. Thus 
much I presume will clear the objection made by my exam- 
ple, and give comfort and courage to the industrious to follow 
the precedents of those more able to act their own parts 
than I have been, for causes spoken of. 


The Benefits that Foreign Nations have made by Plantation. 

Now I will only remember some of the benefits that may 
arise by Plantations ; and will begin with those princes, our 
neighbors, who have laid the way before us. But to speak 
of all the goods that may ensue, Plantations is a subject too 
large for my intention at this time, who do strive for brevity. 
By some of those plantations made by our neighbors, we see 
what greatness it hath brought them to, that have under- 
taken the same, as namely, the King of Spain and Portugal, 
the one settling himself in the parts of America called the 
West Indies ; the other situate in Brazil, the southern part 
of the same continent, and that part peopled in the infancy 
of that plantation, as well with base and banished persons, 
as other ijoble and generous spirits ; yet the success thereof 
hath answered their expectation. Besides, we have seen 
what great riches were drawn by the Portugals, by means 
of their several plantations in ^he East Indies, out of those 

88 Sir Ferdinando Gorges 9 s 

vast and mighty princes' territories, that filled the whole 
world with spices and other aromatic drugs, and excellent 
rare curiosities, not vulgarly known to foreign and former 
ages in these northerly parts of the world. 

Those rarities and rich commodities invited some of our 
nation to dive into farther search how we might partake 
thereof, without the favor of foreign princes; and having, 
after the way was once opened by private adventurers, and 
some relish had of the profits that might arise by those em- 
ployments, the adventurers, merchants, and others, noble 
spirits, combined together to make it a more public business, 
worthy the honor of this nation and reputation of the under- 
takers, who having amassed a stock of many hundred thou- 
sand, entered so far into it, that the trade so began and 
continues to this present day, though not agreeable to the 
common hopes conceived thereof. But had the ground been 
laid as was advised, it had grown to a far greater certainty 
than now it is like to have. 

But the Hollanders, better experienced in martial affairs, 
were taught to know there is a difference between having 
gotten a trade and keeping it ; that there is no safety in 
depending upon the will of another, when it is possible to 
secure themselves of what they had in possession. This made 
them fortify where they found it convenient, and so to settle 
the form of their government and course of trade upon such 
a foundation as should promise continual growth, without 
diminution upon change of humor of those they traded with, 
if left to their merciless discretion. 

That by the same course they are like in short time to 
oust our nation of that little trade left us, who I could wish 
would yet in season seek how to settle a better foundation 
in such other places as (if I be not deceived) it is possible 
they may, thereby not only make good their present profits, 
but advance it to a far greater, and make their attempts 
more honorable and more safe than now they are. 

But seeing I am not able to persuade men of better judg- 
ment how to manage their practical affairs, it shall content 
me to set out my opinion of the excellent use that may be 
made of those Plantations we have now on foot, especially 
that of New-England. 

Description of New-England. 89 


As for those in the islands of the Virginians, it is apparent 
they may be made of excellent use, if handled as they ought 
to be, both for the present and future, whereof I will speak 
no more, because so well known already. That of Virginia 
might very well brag of itself, if the planters did but en- 
deavor to settle some plantations further up into the main, 
and to travail in raising such commodities as that clime will 
afford for trade and commerce with their neighbors and such 
of our own nation as want what they have. For if I be 
not deceived, that clime will afford both wines of several 
natures, flax, hemp, pitch and tar, if not sugars and cottons ; 
for it cannot but be as proper for any of those commodities 
as any other country lying in the same clime. But these 
particulars depend upon the wisdom of the governors and 
industry of the inhabitants, to w r hom I commend the farther 
consideration and execution thereof as time and opportunity 
will give leave, not doubting but if they follow the sun's 
setting, they will meet with better things than are yet 
spoken of, if they be sought for. 

As for that of New-England, where I am chiefly interest- 
ed, by reason of the time and means \ have spent in the 
prosecution of that business, it is easy to be observed (partly 
by what I have said) what commodities may be raised out 
of those climes, and how miraculously it hath succeeded ; 
and we may justly conclude it hath been brought to what it 
is by the special grace of God alone, the more to make 
illustration by the manifestation of his powerful operation in 
effecting for us what we could not expect from his divine 

At our first discovery of those coasts, we found it very 
populous, the inhabitants stout and warlike, the country 
plentiful in grain and other fruits and roots, besides deer of 
all sorts and other animals for food, with plenty of fish and 
fowl for their sustentation ; so that they could not say (accord- 
ing to the manner of their living) they wanted any thing 
nature did require. 

As for their civil government, that Dart of the country we 
first seated in seemed to be monarchical, by the name and 
title of a Bashaba. His extent was large, and had under him 

90 Sir Ferdinando Gorges's 

many great subjects; such as were auxiliary with them 
to the war, some thousand, some fifteen hundred bowmen, 
some more, others less ; these they called sagamores. This 
Bashaba had many enemies, especially those to the east and 
northeast, whom they called Tarentines ; those to the west 
and southwest were called Sockhigones. But the Tarentines 
were counted a more warlike and hardy people, and had 
indeed the best opportunity to make their attempts upon 
them, by reason of the conveniency and opportunity of the 
rivers and sea, which afforded a speedy passage into the 
Bashaba's country, which was called Moasham ; and that 
part of the country which lay between the Sockhigones' 
country and Moasham was called Apistama. The Massa- 
chisans and Bashabas were sometimes friends and sometimes 
enemies, as it fell out ; but the Bashaba and his people 
seemed to be of some eminence above the rest in all that 
part of the continent ; his own chief abode was not far from 
Pemaquid. But the war growing more and more violent 
between the Bashaba and the Tarentines, who (as it seemed) 
presumed upon the hopes they had to be favored of the 
French that were seated in Canada, their next neighbors, 
the Tarentines surprised the Bashaba, and slew him and all 
his people near about him, carrying away his women and 
such other matters as they thought of value. After his 
death, the public business running to confusion for want of 
a head, the rest of his great sagamores fell at variance 
among themselves, spoiled and destroyed each other's peo- 
ple and provision, and famine took hold of many ; which was 
seconded by a great and general plague, which so violently 
reigned for three years together, that in a manner the greater 
part of that land was left desert, without any to disturb or 
oppose our free and peaceable possession thereof ; from 
whence we may justly conclude that God made the way to 
effect his work according to the time he had assigned for 
laying the foundation thereof. In all which there is to be 
noted, the next of the Plantations, before spoken of, were 
not performed but by war and slaughter, and some of them 
with murther of so many millions of the natives as it is hor- 
ror to be spoken of, especially being done by the hands of 
Christians, who alone of all people in the world profess the 
gaining of all souls to God only by preaching the Gospel of 
Christ Jesus, our sole Redeemer; and all this done, as being 

Description of New-England. 91 

presented persecuted, not persecuting. But let us be silent 
and confess that that is best done that God doth himself ; 
and next, we must know that what he suffers to be done is 
not for us rashly to censure, but to give him the glory for 
all, whose will we desire may be done here on as, &c. 

Yet I trust we may be humbly bold to believe that when 
God manifesteth his assistance unto his people, he gives 
them cause to believe he will not leave them till they leave 


The Benefits already received, and what time and industry may 


As for the benefit which may arise by such Plantations, 
especially those our nation is in travail with at present, first 
we find by daily experience what numbers of shipping and 
mariners are employed thereby. Next, how many thou- 
sands of the subjects are transported into those parts, that 
otherwise might have settled themselves under foreign states, 
to the prejudice and hindrance of our own manufacturers 
and overthrow of that kind of trade ; whereas by planting 
where they do, that is not only prevented, but new trades 
impossible to be raised. Further, it prevents our neighbors 
from occupying those territories that so diligently (according 
to their powers) sought to possess themselves thereof, who by 
that means might easily (as it were) besiege us on all sides, 
that we should neither be southward, nor follow our fishing 
craft in New-found- land, or upon those coasts, but by their 

But the same advantage, by means of those Plantations, 
lies now in our power, if the King shall have occasion to 
make use thereof; besides so large a continent abounding 
with so many excellent lakes, of so mighty extent, from 
whence issue so many rivers, such variable kinds of soil 
rich in fructification of all manner of seeds or grain, so likely 
to abound in minerals of all sorts, and other rich gain of 
commodities not yet to be known, besides furs of several 
kinds, both useful and merchantable, proper for foreign 

92 Sir Ferdinando Gorges 7 s 


Showing more particularly the honor, content and profit of 
those undertakings. 

To descend from those generals to more particulars. 
What can be more pleasing to a generous nature than to be 
exercised in doing public good ? especially when his labor 
and industry tends to the private good and reputation of 
himself and posterity ; and what monument so durable, as 
erecting of houses, villages and towns ? and what more 
pious than advancing of Christian religion amongst people 
who have not known the excellency thereof ? But, seeing 
works of piety and public good are in this age rather com- 
mended by all than acted by any, let us come a little nearer 
to that which all hearken unto, and that forsooth is profit. 

Be it so. Art thou a laborer, that desirest to take pains 
for the maintenance of thyself ?■ — the employments in plant- 
ations gives thee not only extraordinary wages, but opportu- 
nity to build some house or cottage, and a proportion of land 
agreeable to thy fortunes to set thyself when either lameness 
or other infirmities seize on thee. Hast thou a wife and 
a family ? — by plantation thou buildest, enclosest, and dost 
labor to live and enjoy the fruits thereof with plenty, multi- 
plying thy little means for thy children's good when thou 
art no more. 

But art thou of a greater fortune and more gloriously 
spirited ? — I have told thee before what thou mayst be 
assured of, whereby it may appear thou shalt not want 
means nor opportunity to exercise the excellency of thine 
own justice, and ingenuity to govern and act the best things, 
whether it be for thyself or such as live under thee, or have 
their dependency or hopes of happiness upon thy worth and 
virtue as their chief. Neither are these parts of the world 
void of opportunity to make a further discovery into the vast 
territories, that promiseth so much hopes of honor and pro- 
fits (formerly spoken of) to be raised to posterity by the 
means and opportunity of those great and goodly lakes and 
rivers, which invite all that are of brave spirits to seek the 
extent of them, — especially since it is already known that 
some of these lakes contain fifty or sixty leagues in length, 

Description of New- England. 93 

some one hundred, some two hundred, others four or five 
hundred ; the greatest abounding in multitude of islands fit 
for habitation ; the land on both sides, especially to the 
southward, fertile and pleasant, being between the degrees 
of forty-four and forty-five of latitude ; and to the west of 
these lakes that are now known, they pass by a main river 
to another sea or lake, which is conceived to disembogue 
into the South Seas ; where the savages report that they 
have a trade with a nation, that comes once a year unto 
them with great ships, and brings shoes and buskins, kettles 
and hatchets, and the like, which they barter for skins and 
furs of all kinds, — the people being clothed with long robes, 
their heads bald or shaven, so as it is conceived they must 
be Catayons or Chinawaies. Whatsoever they be, were 
the strength of my body and means answerable to my heart, 
I would undertake the discovery of the uttermost extent 
thereof ; and whosoever shall effect the same, shall both 
eternize his virtues and make happy such as will endeavor 
to partake thereof. 

But I end, and leave all to Him who is the only author of 
all goodness, and knows best his own time to bring his will 
to be made manifest, and appoints his instruments for the 
accomplishing thereof; to whose pleasure it becomes every 
one of us to submit ourselves, as to that mighty God and 
great and gracious Lord, to whom all glory doth belong. 


[The reader must have perceived that the preceding Tract abounds 
with grammatical errors, unfinished sentences, and passages which convey 
no meaning whatever. These we conceive are not to be ascribed to the 
author, but to the negligence of his printer, who does not appear to have 
understood the author's manuscript. In one or two instances, where the 
blunder was palpable, we have ventured to correct it, and restore the 
author's meaning; but in general we have been obliged to follow the 
defective copy. Publishing Committee.] 


of New England 



of Captain Iohn Smith (Admirall of that Country) in 
the North of America, in the year of our Lord 
1614 : with the successe of size Ships, that 
went the next yeare 1615 ; and the acci- 
dents befell him among the French 
men of warre : 

With the proofe of the present benefit this 

Countrey affoords : whither this present yeare, 

1616, eight voluntary Ships are gone 

to make further try all. 


Printed by Humfrey Lownes, for Robert Clerke ; and 

are to be sould at his house called the Lodge, 

in Chancery lane, ouer against Lin- 

colnes Inne. 161b. 

[For an account of Captain John Smith's adventurous and romantic life, 
the reader is referred to Belknap's American Biography, Vol. I., to Sparks's 
American Biography, Vol. II., and to his own personal narrative, publish- 
ed in 1630, under the title of True Travels, Adventures, and Observations 
in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, from 1593 to 1629. This work 
was reprinted at Richmond, Virginia, in 1819, in two volumes octavo. 

Mr. Rich, in his Catalogue of Books relating to America, says of Smith's 
Description of New-England, that " this is the first book published which 
speaks of New-England, previously called North Virginia." 

Publishing Committee.] 

Because the Book was printed ere the 

Prince his Highness had altered the names, I entreat the 
Reader peruse this schedule, which will plainly show him 
the correspondence of the old names to the new. 

The old names. 
Cape Cod 


Massachusets Mount 
Massachusets River 

A country not > 

discovered \ 

Cape Trabigzanda 
Smith's Isles 
Sassanowes Mount 

The new. 

Cape James. 
Milford haven, 
Chevit hill. 
Charles River. 


Cape Ann. 
Smith's Isles. 
Snodon hill. 

The old names. 


Aucocisco's Mount 










The new. 




Shooter's hill. 

The Base. 




St. John's town. 

Barties Isles. 

( Willowby's 
( Isles. 

Hoghton's Isles. 






Charles, Prince of Great Britain. 


SO favorable was your most renowned and memorable 
brother, Prince Henry, to all generous designs, that in 
my discovery of Virginia, I presumed to call two nameless 
headlands after my sovereign's heirs, Cape Henry and Cape 
Charles. Since then, it being my chance to range some 
other parts of America, whereof I here present your High- 
ness the description in a map,* my humble suit is, you 
would please to change their barbarous names for such Eng- 
lish, as posterity may say, Prince Charles was their god- 
father. What here in this relation I promise my country, 
let me live or die the slave of scorn and infamy, if (having 
means) I make it not apparent, please God to bless me but 
from such accidents as are beyond my power and reason to 
prevent. For my labors, I desire but such conditions as 
were promised me out of the gains, and that your Highness 
would deign to grace this work by your princely and favor- 
able respect unto it, and know me to be 

Your Highness's true and faithful servant, 

John Smith. 

[* This Map is in the third volume of our Collections, third series. Pub. Co?n.~\ 

To the Might Honorable and worthy 

Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of his Majesty's Council 
for all the Plantations and Discoveries, especially of New- 

SEEING the deeds of the most just, and the writings of 
the most wise, not only of men but of God himself, 
have been diversely traduced by variable judgments of the 
time's opinionists, what shall such an ignorant as I expect ? 
Yet reposing myself on your favors, I present this rude 
discourse to the world's construction, though I am persuad- 
ed that few do think there may be had from New- England 
staple commodities well worth three or four hundred thou- 
sand pounds a year, with so small charge and such facility, 
as this discourse will acquaint you. But lest your Honors, 
that know me not, should think I go by hearsay and affec- 
tion, I entreat your pardons to say thus much of myself. 
Near twice nine years, I have been taught by lamentable 
experience, as well in Europe and Asia, as Africk and 
America, such honest adventures as the chance of war doth 
cast upon poor soldiers. So that if I be not able to judge 
of what I have seen, contrived and done, it is not the fault 
either of my eyes or four quarters. And these nine years I 
have bent my endeavors to find a sure foundation to begin 
these ensuing projects ; which though I never so plainly 
and seriously propound, yet it resteth in God and you still 
to dispose of, not doubting but your goodness will pardon 
my rudeness, and ponder errors in the balance of good will. 
No more : but sacring all my best abilities to the good of 
my prince and country, and submitting myself to the exqui- 
site judgments of your renowned virtue, I ever rest, 

Your Honors, in all honest service, 

J. S. 

To the Right Worshipful Adventurers 

for the country of New-England, in the cities of London, 
Bristow, Exceter, Plimouth, Dartmouth, Bastable, Tot- 
neys, &c., and in all other cities and ports in the King- 
dom of England. 

IF the little ant and the silly bee seek by their diligence 
the good of their commonwealth, much more ought man. 
If they punish the drones and sting them that steals their 
labor, then blame not man. Little honey hath that hive, 
where there are more drones than bees ; and miserable is 
that land where more are idle than well employed. If the 
endeavors of those vermin be acceptable, I hope mine may 
be excusable ; though I confess it were more proper for 
me to be doing what I say than writing what I know. Had 
I returned rich, I could not have erred ; now having only 
such fish as came to my net, I must be taxed. But I would 
my taxers were as ready to adventure their purses, as I 
purse, life and all I have ; or as diligent to furnish the 
charge, as I know they are vigilant to crop the fruits of my 
labors. Then would I not doubt (did God please I might 
safely arrive in New-England, and safely return) but to 
perform somewhat more than I have promised, and approve 
my words by deeds, according to proportion. 

I am not the first hath been betrayed by pirates; and four 
men of war, provided as they were, had been sufficient to 
have taken Samson, Hercules, and Alexander the Great, 
no other way furnished than I was. I know not what assu- 
rance any have do pass the seas, not to be subject to 
casualty as well as myself. But lest this disaster may 
hinder my proceedings, or ill will (by rumor) the behooffull 
work I pretend, I have writ this little ; which I did think 
to have concealed from any public use, till I had made my 
returns speak as much as my pen now doth. 

But, because I speak so much of fishing, if any take me 
for such a devout fisher as I dream of naught else, they 

102 To the Adventurers for New-England. 

mistake me. I know a ring of gold from a grain of barley 
as well as a goldsmith ; and nothing is there to be had 
which fishing doth hinder, but further us to obtain. Now 
for that I have made known unto you a fit place for planta- 
tion, limited within the bounds of your patent and commis- 
sion ; having also received means, power, and authority by 
your directions, to plant there a colony, and make further 
search and discovery in those parts there yet unknown ; 
considering, withal, first those of his Majesty's Council, 
then those cities above-named, and divers others that have 
been moved to lend their assistance to so great a work, do 
expect (especially the adventurers) the true relation or 
event of my proceedings, which I hear are so abused ; I am 
enforced, for all these respects, rather to expose my imbe- 
cility to contempt, by the testimony of these rude lines, than 
all should condemn me for so bad a factor as could neither 
give reason nor account of my actions and designs. 

Yours to command, 

John Smith. 


By Captain John Smith. 

IN the month of April, 1614, with two ships from Lon- 
don, of a few merchants, I chanced to arrive in New- 
England, a part of America, at the isle of Monahiggan, in 
forty-three and a half of northerly latitude. Our plot was 
there to take whales, and make trials of a mine of gold and 
copper. If those failed, fish and furs was then our refuge, 
to make ourselves savers howsoever. We found this whale- 
fishing a costly conclusion. We saw many, and spent much 
time in chasing them ; but could not kill any, they being a 
kind of jubartes, and not the whale that yields fins and oil, 
as we expected. For our gold, it was rather the master's 
device to get a voyage that projected it than any knowledge 
he had at all of any such matter. Fish and furs was now 
our guard ; and by our late arrival and long lingering about 
the whale, the prime of both those seasons were past ere 
we perceived it ; we thinking that their seasons served at 
all times, but we found it otherwise ; for, by the midst of 
June the fishing failed. Yet in July and August some was 
taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our 
stay required. Of dry fish we made about 40,000, of cor 
fish about 7000. Whilst the sailors fished, myself, with 
eight or nine others of them might best be spared, ranging 
the coast in a small boat, we got for trifles near 1100 beaver 
skins, 100 martens, and near as many otters ; and the most 
of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged 
the coast both east and west much further ; but eastwards 
our commodities were not esteemed, they were so near the 
French who affords them better ; and right against us in the 
main was a ship of Sir Frances Popham's, that had there 

104 Captain John Smith's 


such acquaintance, having many years used only that port, 
that the most part there was had by him. And forty leagues 
westwards were two French ships, that had made there a 
great voyage by trade, during the time we tried those con- 
clusions, not knowing the coast nor salvages' habitation. 
With these furs, the train and cor fish, I returned for Eng- 
land in the barque ; where, within six months after our 
departure from the Downs, we safe arrived back. The best 
of this fish was sold for five pound the hundredth, the rest 
by ill usage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. The 
other ship stayed to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, 
which was sold, by the sailors' report that returned, at forty 
rials the quintal, each hundred weighing two quintals and a 

New-England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea 
opposite to Nova Albion in the South Sea, discovered by the 
most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his voyage about the 
world. In regard whereto, this is styled New-England, 
being in the same latitude. New France, off it, is north- 
ward ; southwards is Virginia, and all the adjoining conti- 
nent, with New Granada, New Spain, New Andalusia, and 
the West Indies. Now because I have been so oft asked 
such strange questions of the goodness and greatness of those 
spacious tracts of land, how they can be thus long unknown 
or not possessed by the Spaniard, and many such like de- 
mands, I entreat your pardons if I chance to be too plain or 
tedious in relating my knowledge for plain men's satisfac- 

Florida is the next adjoining to the Indies, which unpros- 
perously was attempted to be planted by the French ; a 
country far bigger than England, Scotland, France and 
Ireland, yet little known to any Christian, but by the won- 
derful endeavors of Ferdinando de Soto, a valiant Spaniard, 
whose writings in this age is the best guide known to search 
those parts. 

Virginia is no isle (as many do imagine) but part of the 
continent adjoining to Florida, whose bounds may be stretch- 
ed to the magnitude thereof without offence to any Christian 
inhabitant. For from the degrees of thirty to forty-five, his 
Majesty hath granted his letters patent, the coast extend- 
ing southwest and northeast about fifteen hundred miles ; 
but to follow it aboard, the shore may well be two thousand 

Description of New-England. 105 

at the least, of which twenty miles is the most gives entrance 
into the Bay of Chisapeak, where is the London plantation; 
within which is a country (as you may perceive by the de- 
scription in a book and map printed in my name of that 
little I there discovered) may well suffice three hundred 
thousand people to inhabit. And southward adjoineth that 
part discovered at the charge of Sir Walter Rawley, by Sir 
Ralph Lane and that learned mathematician, Mr. Thomas 
Heryot. Northward, six or seven degrees, is the river 
Sagadahock, where was planted the western colony by that 
honorable patron of virtue, Sir John Popham, Lord Chief 
Justice of England. There is also a Relation printed by 
Captain Bartholomew Gosnould, of Elizabeth's Isles, and 
another by Captain Waymoth, of Pemmaquid. From all 
these diligent observers, posterity may be bettered by the 
fruits of their labors. But for divers others that long before 
and since have ranged those parts, within a kenning some- 
times of the shore, some touching in one place, some in 
another, I must entreat them pardon me for omitting them, 
or if I offend in saying that their true descriptions are con- 
cealed or never well observed, or died with the authors, so 
that the coast is yet still but even as a coast unknown and 
undiscovered. I have had six or seven several plots of those 
northern parts, so unlike each to other, and most so differ- 
ing from any true proportion or resemblance of the country, 
as they did me no more good than so much waste paper, 
though they cost me more. It may be it was not my chance 
to see the best ; but lest others may be deceived as I was, 
or through dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as I did, 
I have drawn a map* from point to point, isle to isle, and 
harbor to harbor, with the soundings, sands, rocks and land- 
marks as I passed close aboard the shore in a little boat ; 
although there be many things to be observed which the 
haste of other affairs did cause me omit ; for, being sent 
more to get present commodities than knowledge by dis- 
coveries for any future good, I had not power to search as I 
would ; yet it will serve to direct any shall go that ways 
to safe harbors and the salvages' habitations. What mer- 
chandise and commodities for their labor they may find, this 
following discourse shall plainly demonstrate. 

* This map may be seen in the third volume of our Collections, third series. 

Publishing Committee,] 

14 • 

106 Captain John Smith's 

Thus you may see, of this two thousand miles more than 
half is yet unknown to any purpose ; no, not so much as the 
borders of the sea are yet certainly discovered. As for the 
goodness and true substances of the land, we are for most 
part yet altogether ignorant of them, unless it be those parts 
about the Bay of Chisapeack and Sagadahock. But only 
here and there we touched or have seen a little the edges 
of those large dominions, which do stretch themselves into 
the main, God doth know how many thousand miles, whereof 
we can yet no more judge than a stranger that saileth 
betwixt England and France can describe the harbors and 
dangers by landing here or there in some river or bay, tell 
thereby the goodness and substances of Spain, Italy, Ger- 
many, Bohemia, Hungaria, and the rest. By this you may 
perceive how much they err, that think every one which 
hath been at Virginia understandeth or knows what Virginia 
is, or that the Spaniards know one half quarter of those 
territories they possess ; no, not so much as the true cir- 
cumference of Terra Incognita, whose large dominions may 
equalize the greatness and goodness of America, for any 
thing yet known. It is strange with what small power he 
hath reigned in the East Indies ; and few will understand 
the truth of his strength in America, where he having so 
much to keep with such a pampered force, they need not 
greatly fear his fury in the Bermudas, Virginia, New France 
or New-England, beyond whose bounds America doth 
stretch many thousand miles ; into the frozen parts whereof 
one Master Hutson, an English mariner, did make the great- 
est discovery of any Christian I know of, where he unfortu- 
nately died. For Africa, had not the industrious Portugals 
ranged her unknown parts, who would have sought for 
wealth among those fried regions of black brutish negroes, 
where, notwithstanding all the wealth and admirable adven- 
tures and endeavors more than one hundred and forty years, 
they know not one third of those black habitations ? But it 
is not a work for every one to manage such an affair as 
makes a discovery and plants a colony. It requires all the 
best parts of art, judgment, courage, honesty, constancy, 
diligence and industry to do but near well. Some are more 
proper for one thing than another, and therein are to be 
employed ; and nothing breeds more confusion than mis- 
placing and misemploying men in their undertakings. Colum- 

Description of New-England. 107 

bus, Cortez, Pitzara, Soto, Magellanes and the rest, served 
more than a prenticeship to learn how to begin their most 
memorable attempts in the West Indies ; which, to the 
wonder of all ages, successfully they effected, when many 
hundreds of others, far above them in the world's opinion, 
being instructed but by relation, came to shame and confu- 
sion in actions of small moment, who doubtless in other 
matters were both wise, discreet, generous and courageous. 
I say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable 
merits, but to answer those questionless questions that 
keep us back from imitating the worthiness of their brave 
spirits that advanced themselves from poor soldiers to great 
captains, their posterity to great lords, their king to be one 
of the greatest potentates on earth, and the fruits of their 
labors his greatest glory, power and renown. 

That part we call New-England is betwixt the degrees 
of forty-one and forty-five ; but that part this discourse 
speaketh of, stretcheth but from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, 
some seventy-five leagues by a right line distant each from 
other, within which bounds I have seen at least forty several 
habitations upon the seacoast, and sounded about twenty-five 
excellent good harbors, in many whereof there is anchorage 
for five hundred sail of ships of any burthen, in some of them 
for hYe thousand ; and more than two hundred isles over- 
grown with good timber of divers sorts of wood, which do 
make so many harbors as requireth a longer time than I had 
to be well discovered. 

The principal habitation northward we were at, was 
Pennobscot ; southward along the coast and up the rivers we 
found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Kene- 
beck, Sagadahock, and Aumoughcawgen. And to those 
countries belong the people of Segotago, Pagnhuntanuck, 
Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, 
Masherosqueck,Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Pasha- 
ranack, &c. To these are allied the countries of Aucocis- 
co, Accominticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, and Naemkeck. 
All these, I could perceive, differ little in language, fashion 
or government. Though most be lords of themselves, yet 
they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot the chief and greatest 
amongst them. 

The next I can remember by name are Mattahunts, two 
pleasant isles of groves, gardens, and corn-fields a league in 

108 Captain John. Smith* s 

the sea from the main. Then Totant, Massachuset, Pocapaw- 
met, Quonahassit, Sagoquas, Nahapassumkeck,Topeent, Sec- 
casaw,Tothect, Nasnocomacack, Accomack,Chawum. Then 
Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet and the isle Nawset, of the 
language and alliance of them of Chawum. The others are 
called Massachusets, of another language, humor and condi- 
tion. For their trade and merchandise, — to each of their 
habitations they have divers towns and people belonging ; 
and by their relations and descriptions, more than twenty 
several habitations and rivers that stretch themselves far up 
into the country, even to the borders of divers great lakes, 
where they kill and take most of their beavers and otters. 
From Pennobscot to Sagadahock this coast is. all mountainous 
and isles of huge rocks, but overgrown with all sorts of ex- 
cellent good woods for building houses, boats, barques or 
ships ; with an incredible abundance of most sorts of fish, 
much fowl, and sundry sorts of good fruits for man's use. 

Betwixt Sadagahock and Sowocatuck there is but two or 
three sandy bays, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very many. 
Especially the coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently 
mixed with high clay or sandy cliffs in one place, and then 
tracts of large long ledges of divers sorts, and quarries of 
stones, in other places so strangely divided with tinctured 
veins of divers colors, as, free-stone for building, slate for 
tiling, smooth stone to make furnaces and forges for glass or 
iron, and iron ore sufficient conveniently to melt in them. 
But the most part so resembleth the coast of Devonshire, I 
think most of the cliffs would make such limestone. If they 
be not of these qualities, they are so like they may deceive 
a better judgment than mine. All which are so near ad- 
joining to those other advantages I observed in these parts, 
that if the ore prove as good iron and steel in those parts 
as I know it is within the bounds of the country, I dare engage 
my head (having but men skilful to work the simples there 
growing) to have all things belonging to the building and the 
rigging of ships of any proportion, and good merchandise 
for the freight, within a square of ten or fourteen leagues; 
and were it for a good reward, I would not fear to prove it 
in a less limitation. 

And surely by reason of those sandy cliffs, and cliffs of 
rocks, both which we saw so planted with gardens and corn- 
fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well 

Description of New-England. 109 

proportioned people, besides the greatness of the timber 
growing on them* the greatness of the fish, and the moderate 
temper of the air (for of twenty-five not any was sick, but 
two that were many years diseased before they went, not- 
withstanding our bad lodging and accidental diet) who can 
but approve this a most excellent place, both for health 
and fertility 1 And of all the four parts of the world that 
I have yet seen, not inhabited, could I have but means 
to transport a colony, I would rather live here than any 
where. And if it did not maintain itself, were we but once 
indifferently well fitted, let us starve. 

The main staple, from hence to be extracted for the 
present to produce the rest, is fish ; which, however it may 
seem a mean and a base commodity, yet who will but truly 
take the pains and consider the sequel, I think will allow it 
well worth the labor. It is strange to see what great adven- 
tures the hopes of setting forth men of war to rob the indus- 
trious innocent would procure, or such massy promises in 
gross ; though more are choked than well fed with such 
hasty hopes. But who doth not know that the poor Hol- 
landers, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labor in all 
weathers in the open sea, are made a people so hardy and 
industrious ? and by the vending this poor commodity to 
the Easterlings for as mean, — which is wood, flax, pitch, 
tar, rosin, cordage and such like (which they exchange again 
to the French, Spaniards, Portugales and English, &c, for 
what they want) — are made so mighty, strong and rich, as 
no state but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so well 
furnished with so many fair cities, goodly towns, strong 
fortresses, and that abundance of shipping and all sorts of 
merchandise, as well of gold, silver, pearls, diamonds, pre- 
cious stones, silks, velvets, and cloth of gold, as fish, pitch, 
wood, or such gross commodities ? What voyages and dis- 
coveries, east and west, north and south, yea about the 
world, make they ? What an army, by sea and land, have 
they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest princes 
of the world ? And never could the Spaniard, with all his 
mines of gold and silver, pay his debts, his friends and army 
half so truly as the Hollanders still have done by this con- 
temptible trade of fish. Divers (I know) may allege many 
other assistances ; but this is their mine, and the sea the 
source of those silvered streams of all their virtue, which 

110 Captain John Smith's . 

hath made them now the very miracle of industry, the pat- 
tern of perfection for these affairs ; and the*benefit of fishing 
is that primum mobile that * turns all their spheres to this 
height of plenty, strength, honor and admiration. 

Herring, cod and ling is that triplicity that makes their 
wealth and shipping's multiplicities, such as it is, and from 
which (few would think it) they yearly draw at least one 
million and a half of pounds sterling; yet it is most certain, 
(if records be true). And in this faculty they are so natu- 
ralized, and of their vents so certainly acquainted, as there 
is no likelihood they will ever be paralleled, having two or 
three thousand busses, fiat bottoms, sword pinks, todes and 
such like, that breeds them sailors, mariners, soldiers, and 
merchants, never to be wrought out of that trade, and fit 
for any other. 1 will not deny but others may gain as well 
as they, that will use it, though not so certainly nor so much 
in quantity, for want of experience. And this herring they 
take upon the coast of Scotland and England ; their cod and 
ling upon the coast of Izeland and in the North seas. 

Hamborough, and the East Countries, for sturgeon and 
caviare, gets many thousands of pounds from England and 
the Straits. Portugale, the Biskaines and the Spaniards make 
forty or fifty sail yearly to Cape Blank, to hook for porgos, 
mullet, and make puttardo ; and New-found-land doth 
yearly freight near eight hundred sail of ships with a silly, 
lean, skinny poor-john, and cor fish, which at least yearly 
amounts to three or four hundred thousand pound. If from 
all those parts such pains is taken for this poor gains of fish, 
and by them hath neither meat, drink, nor clothes, wood, 
iron, nor steel, pitch, tar, nets, leads, salt, hooks nor lines 
for shipping, fishing, nor provision, but at the second, third, 
fourth, or fifth hand, drawn from so many several parts of 
the world ere they come together to be used in this voyage ; 
if these, I say, can gain, and the sailors live going for shares 
less than the third part of their labors, and yet spend as 
much time in going and coming as in staying there, (so short 
is the season of fishing), why should we more doubt than 
Holland, Portugale, Spaniard, French, or other, *but to do 
much better than they, where there is victual to feed us, 
wood of all sorts to build boats, ships or barques, the fish 
at our doors, pitch, tar, masts, yards, and most of other 
necessaries only for making ? And here are no hard land- 

Description of New- England. Ill 

lords to rack us with high rents, or extorted fines to consume 
us ; no tedious pleas in law to consume us with their many 
years' disputations for justice ; no multitudes to occasion 
such impediments to good orders, as in populous states. 
So freely hath God and his Majesty bestowed those blessings 
on them that will attempt to obtain them, as here every 
man may be master and owner of his own labor and land, 
or the greatest part in a small time. If he have nothing 
but his hands, he may set up this trade, and by industry 
quickly grow rich ; spending but half that time well, which 
in England we abuse in idleness, worse, or as ill. Here is 
ground also as good as any lieth in the height of forty-one, 
forty-two, forty- three, &c, which is as temperate and as 
fruitful as any other parallel in the world. As for example, 
on this side the line, west of it in the South Sea, is Nova 
Albion, discovered, as is said, by Sir Francis Drake. East 
from it is the most temperate part of Portugale, the ancient 
kingdoms of Galazia, Biskey, Navarre, Arragon, Catalonia, 
Castilia the Old, and the most moderatest of Castilia the 
New, and Valentia, which is the greatest part of Spain ; 
which, if the Spanish histories be true, in the Romans' time 
abounded no less with gold and silver mines than now the 
West Indies j the Romans then using the Spaniards to work 
in those mines as now the Spaniard doth the Indians. 

In France, the provinces of Gasconie, Langadock, Avig- 
non, Province, Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the 
same parallel ; which are the best and richest parts of 
France. In Italy, the provinces of Genoa, Lumbardy, and 
Verona, with a great part of the most famous State of Ven- 
ice, the dukedoms of Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, 
Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Urbine, Ancona, and the 
ancient city and country of Rome, with a great part of the 
great kingdom of Naples. In Slavonia, Istrya and Dalmatia, 
with the kingdoms of Albania. In Grecia, that famous king- 
dom of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia or Romania, 
where is seated the most pleasant and plentiful city in Eu- 
rope, Constantinople. In Asia also, in the same latitude, 
are the temperatest parts of Natolia, Armenia, Persia, and 
China, besides divers other large countries and kingdoms in 
these most mild and temperate regions of Asia. Southward, 
in the same height, is the richest of gold mines, Chili and 
Baldivia, and the mouth of the great river of Plate, &c. ; 

112 Captain John Smith's 

for all the rest of the world in that height is yet unknown. 
Besides these reasons, mine own eyes, that have seen a great 
part of those cities and their kingdoms as well as it, can 
find no advantage they have in nature, but this : they are 
beautified by the long labor and diligence of industrious 
people and art ; this is (inly as God made it when he crea- 
ted the world. Therefore 1 conclude, if the heart and 
entrails of those regions were sought ; if their land were 
cultured, planted and manured by men of industry, judg- 
ment and experience, what hope is there, or what need they 
doubt, having those advantages of the sea, but it might 
equalize any of those famous kingdoms in all commodities, 
pleasures and conditions ? seeing even the very edges do 
naturally afford us such plenty, as no ship need return away 
empty ; and only use but the season of the sea, fish will 
return an honest gain, beside all other advantages, her 
treasures having yet never been opened, nor her originals 
wasted, consumed nor abused. 

And whereas it is said, the Hollanders serve the Easter- 
lings themselves, and other parts that want, with herring, 
ling, and wet cod ; the Easterlings a great part of Europe 
with sturgeon and caviare ; Cape Blank, Spain, Portugale, 
and the Levant, with mullet and puttargo ; New-found-land, 
all Europe, with a thin poor-john ; yet all is so overlaid 
with fishers, as the fishing decayeth, and many are con- 
strained to return with a small freight ; Norway and Polo- 
lia, pitch, tar, masts and yards ; Sweathland and Russia, 
iron and ropes ; France and Spain, canvass, wine, steel, iron, 
and oil ; Italy and Greece, silks and fruits, — I dare boldly 
say, because I have seen naturally growing or breeding in 
those parts, the same materials that all those are made of. 
They may as well be had here, or the most part of them, 
within the distance of seventy leagues for some few ages, as 
from all those parts ; using but the same means to have 
them that they do, and with all those advantages. 

First, the ground is so fertile that questionless it is capa- 
ble of producing any grain, fruits, or seeds you will sow or 
plant, growing in the regions afore named ; but it may be 
not every kind to that perfection of delicacy ; or some ten- 
der plants may miscany, because the summer is not so hot, 
and the winter is more cold in those parts we have yet tried 
near the seaside, than we find in the same height in Europe 

Description of New-England. 113 

or Asia ; yet I made a garden upon the top of a rocky isle 
in 43j, four leagues from the main, in May, that grew so 
well, as it served us for salads in June and July. All sorts 
of cattle may here be bred and fed in the isles or peninsulas 
securely, for nothing. In the interim till they increase, if 
need be, (observing the seasons) I durst undertake to have 
corn enough from the salvages for three hundred men, for a 
few trifles ; and if they should be untoward (as it is most 
certain they are) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient 
to bring them all in subjection, and make this provision, 
if they understand what they do ; two hundred whereof may, 
nine months in the year, be employed in making merchant- 
able fish, till the rest provide other necessaries, fit to furnish 
us with other commodities. 

In March, April, May, and half of June, here is cod in 
abundance ; in May, June, July, and August, mullet and 
sturgeon, whose roes do make caviare and puttargo. Her- 
ring, if any desire them, I have taken many out of the bel- 
lies of cods, some in nets ; but the salvages compare their 
store in the sea to the hairs of their heads ; and surely there 
are an incredible abundance upon this coast. In the end of 
August, September, October, and November, you have cod 
again, to make cor-fish, or poor-john ; and each hundred is 
as good as two or three hundred in the New-found-land. 
So that half the labor in hooking, splitting, and turning, is 
saved ; and you may have your fish at what market you will, 
before they can have any in New-found-land, where their 
fishing is chiefly but in June and July ; whereas it is here 
in March, April, May, September, October, and November, 
as is said. So that by reason of this plantation, the mer- 
chants may have freight both out and home, which yields an 
advantage worth consideration. 

Your cor-fish you may in like manner transport as you 
see cause, to serve the ports in Portugal (as Lisbon, Avera, 
Porta Port, and divers others, or what market you please) 
before your islanders return, they being tied to the season 
in the open sea ; you having a double season, and fishing be- 
fore your doors, may every night sleep quietly ashore, with 
good cheer and what fires you will, or, when you please, with 
your wives and family ; they only [in] their ships in the main 

The mullets here are in that abundance you may take 

114 Captain John Smith's 

them with nets, sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape 
Blank they hook them ; yet those but one foot and a half in 
length ; these two, three, or four, as oft I have measured. 
Much salmon some have found up the rivers, as they have 
passed ; and here the air is so temperate, as all these at any 
time may well be preserved. i 

Now, young boys and girls, salvages, or any other, be 
they never such idlers, may turn, carry, and return fish, 
without either shame or any great pain. He is very idle 
that is past twelve years of age and cannot do so much ; 
and she is very old that cannot spin a thread to make en- 
gines to catch them. 

For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish 
may transport the first, who, for their passage, will spare 
the charge of double manning their ships, which they must 
do in the New-found-land, to get their freight ; but one third 
part of that company are only but proper to serve a stage, 
carry a barrow, and turn poor-john ; notwithstanding they 
must have meat, drink, clothes, and passage, as well as the 
rest. Now all I desire is but this : that those that volun- 
tarily will send shipping, should make here the best choice 
they can, or accept such as are presented them, to serve 
them at that rate ; and their ships returning, leave such with 
me, with the value of that they should receive coming home, 
in such provisions and necessary tools, arms, bedding and 
apparel, salt, hooks, nets, lines, and such like as they spare 
of the remainings ; who, till the next return, may keep their 
boats and do them many other profitable offices : provided 
I have men of ability to teach them their functions, and a 
company fit for soldiers to be ready upon an occasion, be- 
cause of the abuses which have been offered the poor sal- 
vages, and the liberty both French or any that will, hath to 
deal with them as they please, whose disorders will be hard 
to reform, and the longer the worse. Now such order with 
facility might be taken, with every port, town or city, to 
observe but this order, with free power to convert the ben- 
efits of their freights to what advantage they please, and 
increase their numbers as they see occasion ; who, ever as 
they are able to subsist of themselves, may begin the new 
towns in New-England in memory of their old ; which free- 
dom being confined but to the necessity of the general good, 

Description of New-England. 115 

the event (with God's help) might produce an honest, a 
noble, and a profitable emulation. 

Salt upon salt may assuredly be made, if not at first in 
ponds, yet, till they be provided, this may be used. Then 
the ships may transport kine, horses, goats, coarse cloth, and 
such commodities as we want ; by whose arrival may be 
made that provision of fish to freight the ships, that they 
stay not ; and then if the sailors go for wages, it matters 
not. It is hard if this return defray not the charge ; but 
care must be had they arrive in the spring, or else provis- 
ion be made for them against the winter. 

Of certain red berries, called alkermes, which is worth 
ten shillings a pound, but of these hath been sold for thirty 
or forty shillings the pound, may yearly be gathered a good 

Of the muskrat may be well raised gains, well worth their 
labor that will endeavor to make trial of their goodness. 

Of beavers, otters, martins, black foxes, and furs of price, 
may yearly be had six or seven thousand ; and if the trade 
of the French were prevented, many more. Twenty-five 
thousand this year were brought from those northern part 
into France, of which trade we may have as good parts as 
the French, if we take good courses. 

Of mines of gold anc| silver, copper, and probabilities of 
lead, crystal and alum, I could say much, if relations were 
good assurances. It is true, indeed, I made many trials, 
according to those instructions I had, which do persuade me 
I need not despair but there are metals in the country. But 
I am no alchymist, nor will promise more than I know : 
which is, who will undertake the rectifying of an iron forge, 
if those that buy meat, drink, coals, ore, and all necessaries 
at a dear rate gain, where all these things are to be had for 
the taking up, in my opinion cannot lose. 

Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those 
that build ships and boats buy wood at so great a price, as 
it is in England, Spain, France, Italy and Holland, and all 
other provisions for the nourishing of man's life, live well by 
their trade, when labor is all required to take those neces- 
saries without any other tax, what hazard will be here, but 
to do much better ? And what commodity in Europe doth 
more decay than wood ? For the goodness of the ground, let 
us take it, fertile or barren, or as it is, seeing it is certain it 

116 Captain John Smith's 

bears fruits to nourish and feed man and beast, as well as 
England, and the sea those several sorts of fish I have re- 
lated. Thus seeing all good provisions for man's susten- 
ance may with this facility be had, by a little extraordinary 
labor, till that transported be increased; and all necessaries 
for shipping, , only for labor ; to which may be added the 
assistance of the salvages, which may easily be had, if they 
be discreetly handled in their kinds, towards fishing, plant- 
ing, and destroying woods, what gains might be raised if 
this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your 
store-houses, dwelling there, you may serve all Europe bet- 
ter and far cheaper than can the Izeland fishers, or the 
Hollanders, Cape Blank, or New-found-land, who must be 
at as much more charge than you) may easily be conjectured 
by this example. 

Two thousand pounds will fit out a ship of two hundred 
and one of a hundred tons. If the dry fish they both make, 
freight that of two hundred, and go for Spain, sell it but at 
ten shillings a quintal, (but commonly it giveth fifteen or 
twenty, especially when it cometh first, which amounts to 
three or four thousand pounds ; but say but ten, which is 
the lowest, allowing the rest for waste,) it amounts at that 
rate to two thousand pounds, which is the whole charge of 
your two ships and their equipage. Then the return of the 
money, and the freight of the ship for the vintage, or any 
other voyage, is clear gain, with your ship of a hundred 
tons of train and oil, besides the beavers, and other commo- 
dities ; and that you may have at home within six months, 
if God please but to send an ordinary passage ; then sav- 
ing half this charge by the not staying of your ships, your 
victual, overplus of men and wages, with her freight thither 
of things necessary for the planters, the salt being there 
made, as also may the nets and lines, within a short time. 
If nothing were to be expected but this, it might in time 
equalize your Hollanders' gains, if not exceed them, they 
returning but wood, pitch, tar, and such gross commodities ; 
you wines, oils, fruits, silks, and such Straits' commodities, 
as you please to provide by your factors, against such times 
as your ships arrive with them. This would so increase 
our shipping and sailors, and so employ and encourage a 
great part of our idlers and others that want employments 
fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to do that 

Description of New-England. 117 

they would do abroad, that could they but once taste the 
sweet fruits of their own labors, doubtless many thousands 
would be advised by good discipline to take more pleasure 
in honest industry, than in their humors of dissolute idleness. 
But, to return a little more to the particulars of this coun- 
try, which I intermingle thus with my projects and reasons, 
not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to 
write fully the estate of the sea, the air, the land, the fruits, 
the rocks, the people, the government, religion, territories, 
and limitations, friends, and foes ; but as I gathered from 
the niggardly relations in a broken language to my under- 
standing, during the time I ranged those countries, &c. 
The most northern part I was at was the Bay of Pennobscot, 
which is east and west, north and south, more than ten 
leagues ; but such were my occasions, I was constrained to 
be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the river ran far 
up into the land, and was well inhabited with many people, 
but they were from their habitations, either fishing among 
the isles, or hunting the lakes and woods for deer and bea- 
vers. The Bay is full of great islands, of one, two, six, 
eight or ten miles in length, which divides it into many fair 
and excellent good harbors. On the east of it are the Tar- 
rantines, their mortal enemies, where inhabit the French, 
as they report, that live with those people, as one nation or 
family. And north-west of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the 
foot of a high mountain, a kind of fortress against the Tar- 
rantines, adjoining to the high mountains of Pennobscot, 
against whose feet doth beat the sea ; but over all the land, 
isles, or other impediments, you may well see them sixteen 
or eighteen leagues from their situation. Segocket is the 
next ; then Nusconcus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Up 
this river, where was the Western Plantation, are Aumuck- 
cawgen, Kinnebeck, and divers others, where there is plant- 
ed some corn-fields. Along this river forty or fifty miles, I 
saw nothing but great high cliffs of barren rocks, overgrown 
with wood ; but where the salvages dwelt, there the ground 
is exceeding fat and fertile. Westward of this river is the 
country of Aucocisco, in the bottom of a large deep bay, 
full of many great isles, which divides it into many good 
harbors. Sowocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large 
sandy bay, which hath many rocks and isles, but few good 
harbors but for barks, I yet know. But all this coast to 

118 Captain John Smith's 

Pennobscot, and as far I could see eastward of it, is nothing 
but such high craggy, cliffy rocks and stony isles, that I 
wondered such great trees could grow upon so hard foun- 
dations. It is a country rather to affright than delight one ; 
and how to describe a more plain spectacle of desolation 
or more barren, I know not. Yet the sea there is the strang- 
est fish-pond I ever saw ; and those barren isles so furnished 
with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and fowl, that it makes 
me think, though the coast be rocky, and thus affrightable, 
the valleys, plains and interior parts, may well (notwith- 
standing) be very fertile. But there is no kingdom so fer- 
tile hath not some part barren ; and New-England is great 
enough to make many kingdoms and countries, were it all 
inhabited. As you pass the coast still westward, Accomin- 
ticus and Passataquack are two convenient harbors for small 
barks ; and a good country, within their craggy cliffs. Au- 
goam is the next. This place might content a right curious 
judgment ; but there are many sands at the entrance of the 
harbor, and the worst is, it is embayed too far from the deep 
sea. Here are many rising hills, and on their tops and de- 
scents many corn-fields and delightful groves. On the east 
is an isle of two or three leagues in length ; the one half 
plain marish grass fit for pasture, with many fair high groves 
of mulberry trees and gardens ; and there is also oaks, pines, 
and other woods to make this place an excellent habitation, 
being a good and safe harbor. 

Naimkeck, though it be more rocky ground (for Augoam 
is sandy) not much inferior, neither for the harbor, nor any 
thing I could perceive, but the multitude of people. From 
hence doth stretch into the sea the fair headland Tragabig- 
zanda, fronted with three isles called the Three Turks' Heads. 
To the north of this doth enter a great bay, where we found 
some habitations and corn-fields : they report a great river, 
and at least thirty habitations, do possess this country ; but 
because the French had got their trade, I had no leisure to 
discover it. The isles of Mattahunts are on the west side 
of this bay, where are many isles, and questionless good 
harbors ; and then the country of the Massachusets, which 
is the paradise of all those parts, for here are many isles all 
planted with corn, groves, mulberries, salvage gardens, and 
good harbors ; the coast is, for the most part, high clayey, 
sandy cliffs. The seacoast, as you pass, shows you all along 

Description of Neiv- England. 119 

large corn-fields and great troops of well-proportioned peo- 
ple ; but the French having remained here near six weeks, 
left nothing for us to take occasion to examine the inhabit- 
ants' relations, viz. if there be near three thousand people 
upon these isles, and that the river doth pierce many days' 
journeys the entrails of that country. We found the people 
in those parts very kind, but in their fury no less valiant; 
for, upon a quarrel we had with one of them, he only with 
three others crossed the harbor of Quonahasit to certain 
rocks whereby we must pass, and there let fly their arrows 
for our shot, till we were out of danger. 

Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good harbor, 
good land, and no want of any thing but industrious people. 
After much kindness, upon a small occasion we fought also 
with forty or fifty of those ; though some were hurt and some 
slain, yet within an hour after they became friends. Cape 
Cod is the next presents itself, which is only a headland of 
high hills of sand, overgrown with shrubby pines, hurts, and 
such trash, but an excellent harbor for all weathers. This 
Cape is made by the main sea on the one side, and a great 
bay on the other, in form of a sickle ; on it doth inhabit the 
people of Pawmet, and in the bottom of the bay the people 
of Chawifm. Towards the south and southwest of this Cape 
is found a long and dangerous shoal of sands and rocks ; 
but so far as I encircled it I found thirty fathom water 
aboard the shore, and a strong current, which makes* me 
think there is a channel about this shoal, where is the best 
and greatest fish to be had, winter and summer, in all that 
country. But the salvages say there is no channel, but that 
the shoals begin from the main at Pawmet to the isle of 
Nausit, and so extends beyond their knowledge into the sea. 
The next to this is Capawack, and those abounding coun- 
tries of copper, corn, people and minerals, which I went to 
discover this last year ; but because I miscarried by the 
way, I will leave them, till God please I have better ac- 
quaintance with them. 

The Massachusets, they report, sometimes have wars with 
the Bashabes of Pennobskot, and are not always friends with 
them of Chawun and their alliants ; but now they are all 
friends, and have each trade with other, so far as they have 
society on each other's frontiers ; for they make no such 
voyages as from Pennobskot to Cape Cod, seldom to Massa- 

120 Captain John Smith's 

chewset. In the north (as I have said) they begun to plant 
corn, whereof the south part hath such plenty as they have 
what they will from them of the' north, and in the winter 
much more plenty of fish and fowl ; but both winter anpl 
summer hath it in the one part or other all the year, being 
the mean and most indifferent temper betwixt heat and cold 
of all the regions betwixt the line and the pole ; but the furs 
northward are much better and in much more plenty than 

The remarkablest isles and mountains for landmarks are 
these : the highest isle is Sorico, in the bay of Pennobskot ; 
but the three isles and a rock of Matinnack are much further 
in the sea ; Metinicus is also three plain isles and a rock, 
betwixt it and Monahigan ; Monahigan is a round high isle, 
and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small harbor 
where we ride. In Dameril's isles is such another ; Saga- 
dahock is known by Satquin, and four or five isles in the 
mouth. Smyth's isles are a heap together, none near them, 
against Accominticus. The Three Turks' Heads are three 
isles seen far to seaward in regard of the headland. 

The chief headlands are only Cape Tragabigzanda and 
Cape Cod. 

The chief mountains, them of Pennobscot ; the twinkling 
mountain of Aucocisco ; the great mountain of Sasanou ; 
and the high mountain of Massachusit ; each of which you 
shall find in the map, their places, forms, and altitude. 
The waters are most pure, proceeding from the entrails 
of rocky mountains. The herbs and fruits are of many sorts 
and kinds, as alkermes, currants, or a fruit like currants, 
mulberries, vines, raspberries, goosberries, plums, walnuts, 
chestnuts, small nuts, &c. pumpkins, gourds, strawberries, 
beans, peas, and maize ; a kind or two of flax, wherewith 
they make nets, lines and ropes, both small and great, 
very strong for their quantities. 

Oak is the chief wood, of which there is great difference 
in regard of the soil where it groweth, fir, pine, walnut, 
chestnut, birch, ash, elm, cypress, cedar, mulberry, plum- 
tree, hazel, sassafras, and many other sorts. 

Birds — eagles, gripes, divers sorts of hawks, cranes, geese, 
brants, cormorants, ducks, sheldrakes, teal, mews, gulls, 
turkeys, dive-doppers, and many other sorts, whose names I 
know not. 

Description of New- England. 121 

Fishes — whales, grampus, porpoises, turbot, sturgeon, 
cod, hake, haddock, cole, cusk or small ling, shark, mack- 
erel, herring, mullet, bass, pinacks, cunners, perch, eels, 
crabs, lobsters, muscles, wilks, oysters, and divers others, 

Beasts — moose, a beast bigger than a stag; deer, red and 
fallow ; beavers, wolves, foxes, both black and other ; 
aroughconds, wild cats, bears, otters, martens, fitches, mus- 
quashes, and divers sorts of vermin, whose names I know 
not. All these and divers other good things do here, for 
want of use, still increase, and decrease with little diminu- 
tion, whereby they grow to that abundance. You shall 
scarce find any bay, shallow shore, or cove of sand, wiiere 
you may not take many clams, or lobsters, or both, at your 
pleasure, and in many places load your boat, if you please ; 
nor isles where you find not fruits, birds, crabs and muscles, 
or all of them for taking, at a low water. And in the har- 
bors we frequented, a little boy might take of cunners and 
pinacks, and such delicate fish, at the ship's stern, more 
than six or ten can eat in a day, — but with a casting net, 
thousands when we pleased; and scarce any place, but cod, 
cusk, halibut, mackerel, scate or such like, a man may take 
with a hook or line what he will. And in divers sandy 
bays a man may draw with a net great store of mullets, 
bass, and divers other sorts of such excellent fish, as many 
as his net can draw on shore. No river where there is not 
plenty of sturgeon or salmon, or both; all which are to be 
had in abundance, observing but their seasons. But if a 
man will go at Christmas to gather cherries in Kent, he may 
be deceived, though there be plenty in summer. So here, 
these plenties have each their seasons, as I have expressed. 
We for the most part had little but bread and vinegar ; and 
though the most part of July, when the fishing decayed, 
they wrought all day, lay abroad in the isles all night, and 
lived on what theyTound, yet were not sick. But I would 
wish none put himself long to such plunges, except neces- 
sity constrain it. Yet worthy is that person to starve that 
here cannot live, if he have sense, strength and health ; for 
there is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but 
that a hundred men may, in one hour or two, make their 
provisions for a day ; and he that hath experience to manage 
well these affaire; with forty or thirty honest, industrious 

122 Captain John Smith's 

men, might well undertake (if they dwell in these parts) to 
subject the salvages, and feed daily two or three hundred 
men, with as good corn, fish and flesh, as the earth hath of 
those kinds, and yet make that labor* but their pleasure, 
provided that they have engines that be proper for their 

Who can desire more content, that hath small means, or 
but only his merit to advance his fortune, than to tread and 
plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his 
life ? If he have but the taste of virtue and magnanimity, 
what to such a mind can be more pleasant than planting 
and building a foundation for his posterity, got from the rude 
earth, by God's blessing and his own industry, without pre- 
judice to any ? If he have any grain of faith or zeal in reli- 
gion, what can he do less hurtful to any, or more agreeable 
to God, than to seek to convert those poor salvages to know 
Christ and humanity, whose labors with discretion will 
triply requite thy charge and pains ? What so truly suits 
with honor and honesty as the discovering things unknown, 
erecting towns, peopling countries, informing the ignorant, 
reforming things unjust, teaching virtue, and gain to our 
native mother country a kingdom to attend her, — find em- 
ployment for those that are idle, because they know not 
what to do, — so far from wronging any, as to cause posterity 
to remember thee, and remembering thee, ever honor that 
remembrance with praise ? Consider what were the begin- 
nings and endings of the monarchies of the Chaldeans, the 
Syrians, the Grecians, and Romans, but this one rule, — 
What was it they would not do for the good of the common- 
wealth, or their mother city ? For example, Rome ; what 
made her such a monarchy, but only the adventures of her 
youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad, and the 
justice and judgment out of their experience, when they 
grew aged ? What was their ruin and hurt but this, the 
excess of idleness, the fondness of parents, the want, of ex- 
perience in magistrates, the admiration of their undeserved 
honors, the contempt of true merit, their unjust jealousies, 
their politic incredulities, their hypocritical seeming good- 
ness, and their deeds of secret lewdness ? Finally, in fine, 
growing only formal temporists, all that their predecessors 
got in many years, they lost in few days. Those, by their 
pains and virtues, became lords of the world; they, by their 

Description of New- England. 123 

ease and vices, became slaves to their servants. This is the 
difference betwixt the use of arms in the field, and on the 
monuments of stones ; the golden age and the leaden age, 
prosperity and misery, justice and corruption, substance and 
shadows, words and deeds, experience and imagination, 
making commonwealths and marring commonwealths, the 
fruits of virtue and the conclusions of vice. 

Then, who would live at home idly, or think in himself 
any worth to live only to eat, drink and sleep, and so die 1 
or by consuming that carelessly his friends got worthily 1 
or by using that miserably that maintained virtue honestly ? 
or, for being descended nobly, pine with the vain vaunt of 
great kindred, in penury 1 or (to maintain a silly show of 
bravery) *toil out thy heart, soul and time basely, by shifts, 
tricks, cards and dice ? or, by relating news of others' ac- 
tions, shark here and there for a dinner or supper; deceive 
thy friends by fair promises and dissimulation, in borrowing 
where thou never intendest to pay ; offend the laws, surfeit 
with excess, burden thy country, abuse thyself, despair in 
want, and then cozen thy kindred, yea even thine own 
brother, and wish thy parents' death (I will not say damna- 
tion) to have their estates ? — though thou seest what honors 
and rewards the world yet hath for them will seek them, 
and worthily deserve them. 

I would be sorry to offend, or that any should mistake 
my honest meaning ; for I wish good to all, hurt to none. 
But rich men, for the most part, are grown to that dotage, 
through their pride in their wealth, as though there were 
no accident could end it or their life. And what hellish 
care do such take to make it their own misery and their 
country's spoil, especially when there is most need of their 
employment, drawing, by all manner of inventions, from 
the prince and his honest subjects even the vital spirits of 
their powers and estates ; as if their bags, or brags, were 
so powerful a defence, the malicious could not assault them ; 
when they are the only bait to cause us not to be only 
assaulted, but betrayed and murdered in our own security, 
ere we well perceive it. 

May not the miserable ruin of Constantinople, their im- 
pregnable walls, riches and pleasures, last taken by the 
Turk (which are but a bit in comparison of their now might- 
iness), remember us of the effects of private covetousness, 

124 Captain John Smith's 

at which time the good Emperor held himself rich enough 
to have such rich subjects, so formal in all excess of vanity, 
all kind of delicacy and prodigality ? His poverty, when the 
Turk besieged, (the citizens whose merchandising thoughts 
were to get wealth, little conceiving the desperate resolution 
of a valiant, expert, enemy), left the Emperor so long to his 
conclusions, having spent all he had to pay his young, raw, 
discontented soldiers, that suddenly he, they and their city 
were all a prey to the devouring Turk ; and what they 
would not spare for the maintenance of them who adven- 
tured their lives to defend them, did serve only their 
enemies, to torment them, their friends and country and all 
Christendom to this present day. Let this lamentable 
example remember you that are rich (seeing there' are such 
great thieves in the world to rob you), not grudge to lend 
some proportion, to breed them that have little, yet willing 
to learn how to defend you; for it is too late when the deed 
is a-doing. The Romans' estate hath been worse than this ; 
for the mere covetousness and extortion of a few of them so 
moved the rest, that, not having any employment but con- 
templation, their great judgments grew to so great malice, 
as themselves were sufficient to destroy themselves by fac- 
tion. Let this move you to embrace employment for those 
whose educations, spirits and judgments want but your 
purses, not only to prevent such accustomed dangers, but 
also to gain more thereby than you have. And you fathers, 
that are either so foolishly fond, or so miserably covetous, 
or so wilfully ignorant, or so negligently careless, as that 
you will rather maintain your children in idle wantonness, 
till they grow your masters, or become so basely unkind as 
they wish nothing but your deaths, so that both sorts grow 
dissolute ; and although you would wish them any where to 
escape the gallows, and ease your cares ; though they spend 
you here one, two or three hundred pound a year, you would 
grudge to give half so much in adventure with them, to 
obtain an estate which,- in a small time, but with a little 
assistance of your providence, might be better than your 
own. But if an angel should tell you that any place yet 
unknown can afford such fortunes, you would not believe 
him, no more than Columbus was believed there was any 
such land as is now the well-known abounding America ; 
much less such large regions as are yet unknown as well in 

Description of New-England. 125 

America as in Africa and Asia and Terra Incognita ; where 
were courses for gentlemen (and them that would be so 
reputed) more suiting their qualities than begging from their 
prince's generous disposition the labors of his subjects and 
the very marrow of his maintenance. 

I have not been so ill bred but I have tasted of plenty and 
pleasure as well as want and misery ; nor doth necessity 
yet, or occasion of discontent, force me to these endeavors ; 
nor am I ignorant what small thank I shall have for my 
pains, or that many w 7 ould have the world imagine them to 
be of great judgment that can but blemish these my designs 
by their witty objections and detractions ; yet (I hope) my 
reasons with my deeds will so prevail with some, that I 
shall not want employment in these affairs, to make the 
most blind see hisowm senselessness and incredulity, hoping 
that gain will make them affect that which religion, charity, 
and the common good cannot. It were but a poor device 
in me to deceive myself, much more the King and state, my 
friends and country with these inducements; which, seeing 
his Majesty hath given permission, I wish all sorts of worthy, 
honest, industrious spirits w 7 ould understand; and if they 
desire any further satisfaction, I will do my best to give it ; 
not to persuade them to go only, but go with them ; not 
leave them there, but live with them there. I will not say, 
but by ill providing and undue managing, such courses may 
be taken may make us miserable enough ; but if I may have 
the execution of what I have projected, if they want to eat, 
let them eat or never digest me. If I perform what I say, 
I desire but that reward out of the gains may suit my pains, 
quality and condition. And if I abuse you with my tongue, 
take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike at the year's 
end, defraying their charge, by my consent they shall freely 
return. I fear not want of company sufficient, were it but 
known w T hat I know of those countries; and by the proof of 
that wealth I hope yearly to return, if God please to bless 
me from such accidents as are beyond my power in reason 
to prevent. For I am not so simple to think that ever any 
other motive than wealth will ever erect there a common- 
weal, or draw company from their ease and humors at home 
to stay in New-England to effect my purposes. And lest 
any should think the toil might be insupportable, though 
these things may be had by labor and diligence, I assure 

126 Captain John Smith's 

myself there are who delight extremely in vain pleasure, 
that take much more pains in England to enjoy it, than I 
should do here to gain wealth sufficient ; and yet I think 
they should not have half such sweet content ; for our plea- 
sure here is still gains, in England charges and loss. Here 
nature and liberty affords us that freely, which in England 
we want, or it costeth us dearly. What pleasure can be , 
more than (being tired with any occasion ashore) in plant- 
ing vines, fruits or herbs, in contriving their own grounds to 
the pleasure of their own minds, their fields, gardens, 
orchards, buildings, ships and other works, &,c., to recreate 
themselves before their own doors in their own boats upon 
the sea, where man, woman and child, with a small hook 
and line, by angling, may take divers sorts of excellent fish 
at their pleasures ? And is it not pretty sport to pull up 
two pence, six pence, and twelve pence, as fast as you can 
haul and veer a line ? He is a very bad fisher cannot kill 
in one day with his hook and line one, two or three hun- 
dred cods ; which, dressed and dried, if they be sold there 
for ten shillings the hundred, (though in England they will 
give more than twenty), may not both the servant, the mas- 
ter, and merchant be well content with this gain ? If a man 
work but three days in seven, he may get more than he can 
spend, unless he. will be excessive. Now that carpenter, 
mason, gardener, tailor, smith, sailor, forgers or what other, 
may they not make this a pretty recreation, though they 
fish but an hour in a day, to take more than they eat in a 
week ? or, if they will not eat it because there is so much 
better choice, yet sell it or change it with the fishermen or 
merchants for any thing they want. And what sport doth 
yield a more pleasing content, and less hurt or charge than 
angling with a hook, and crossing the sweet air from isle to 
isle, over the silent streams of a calm sea ? wherein the 
most curious may find pleasure, profit and content. Thus, 
though all men be not fishers, yet all men whatsoever may 
in other matters do as well. For necessity doth in these 
cases so rule a commonwealth, and each in their several 
functions, as their labors in their qualities may be as profit- 
able, because there is a necessary mutual use of all. 

For gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them, 
than ranging daily those unknown parts, using fowling and 
fishing for hunting and hawking ? And yet you shall see the 

Description of New- England. 127 

wild hawks give you some pleasure, in seeing them sjoop 
(six or seven after .one another) an hour or two together at 
the schools of fish in the fair harbors, as those ashore at a 
fowl, and never trouble nor torment yourselves with watch- 
ing, mewing, feeding, and attending them, nor kill horse 
and man with running, and crying, See you not a hawk ? 
For hunting also, — the woods, lakes and rivers afford not 
only chase sufficient for any that delights in that kind of toil 
or pleasure, but such beasts to hunt, that besides the deli- 
cacy of their bodies for food, their skins are so rich as may 
well recompense thy daily labor with a captain's pay. 

For laborers, if those that sow hemp, rape, turnips, pars- 
nips, carrots, cabbage, and such like, give twenty, thirty, 
forty, fifty shillings yearly for an acre of ground, and meat, 
drink and wages to use it, and yet grow rich, when better, 
or at least as good ground may be had, and cost nothing 
but labor, it seems strange to me any such should there 
grow poor. , 

My purpose is not to persuade children from their parents, 
men from their wives, nor servants from their masters ; only 
such as with free consent may be spared. But that each 
parish or village, in city or country, that will but apparel 
their fatherless children of thirteen or fourteen years of age, 
or young married people that have small wealth to live on, 
here by their labor may live exceeding well ; provided 
always, that first there be a sufficient power to command 
them, houses to receive them, means to defend them, and 
meet provisions for them. For any place may be overlain, 
and it is most necessary to have a fortress (ere this grow to 
practice) and sufficient masters (as carpenters, masons, 
fishers, fowlers, gardeners, husbandmen, sawyers, smiths, 
spinsters, tailors, weavers and such like) to take ten, twelve 
or twenty, or as there is occasion, for apprentices. The 
masters by this may quickly grow rich ; these may learn 
their trades themselves to do the like, to a general and an 
incredible benefit for king and country, master and servant. 

It would be a history of a large volume, to recite the 
adventures of the Spaniards and Portugals, their affronts 
and defeats, their dangers and miseries, which with such 
incomparable honor and constant resolution, so far beyond 
belief, they have attempted and endured in their discoveries 
and plantations, as may well condemn us of too much imbe- 

128 Captain John Smith's 

cilifcy, sloth, and negligence ; yet the authors of those new 
inventions were held as ridiculous for a. long time, as now 
are others that do but seek to imitate their unparalleled 
virtues. And though we see daily their mountains of wealth 
(sprung from the plants of their generous endeavors), yet is 
our sensuality and untowardness such, and so great, that 
we either ignorantly believe nothing, or so curiously contest 
to prevent we know not what future events, that we either 
so neglect or oppress and discourage the present, as we 
spoil all in the making, crop all in the blooming; and build- 
ing upon fair sand rather than rough rocks, judge that we 
know not, govern that we have not, fear that which is not ; 
and for fear some should do too well, force such against 
their wills to be idle or as ill. And who is he hath judg- 
ment, courage, and any industry or quality with understand- 
ing, will leave his country, his hopes at home, his certain 
estate, his friends, pleasures, liberty, and the preferment 
sweet England doth afford to all degrees, were it not to 
advance his fortunes by enjoying his deserts ? whose pros- 
perity once appearing will encourage others. But it must 
be cherished as a child, till it be able to go and understand 
itself ; and not corrected nor oppressed above its strength, 
ere it know wherefore. A child can neither perform the 
office nor deeds of a man of strength, nor endure that afflic- 
tion he is able ; nor can an apprentice at the first perform 
the part of a master. And if twenty years be required to 
make a child a man, seven years limited an apprentice for 
his trade ; if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man 
a statesman ; and commonly a man dies ere he hath learned 
to be discreet ; if perfection be so hard to be obtained, as 
of necessity there must be practice as well as theory, — let 
no man much condemn this paradox opinion, to say, that 
half seven years is scarce sufficient for a good capacity to 
learn in these affairs how to carry himself. And whoever 
shall try in these remote places the erecting of a colony, 
shall find at the end of seven years occasion enough to use 
all his discretion ; and in the interim all the content, rewards, 
gains and hopes will be necessarily required, to be given to 
the beginning, till it be able to creep, to stand and go, yet 
time enough to keep it from running, for there is no fear it 
will grow too fast, or ever to any thing ;. except liberty, 
profit, honor and prosperity there found, more bind the 

Description of New-England. 129 

planters of those affairs in devotion to effect it, than bond- 
age, violence, tyranny, ingratitude and such double dealing 
as binds freemen to become slaves, and honest men turn 
knaves ; which hath ever been the ruin of the most popular 
commonweals, and is very unlikely ever well to begin in a 

Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard, 
but these new conclusions in searching those unknown parts 
of this unknown world ? by which means he dives even 
into the very secrets of all his neighbors, and the most part 
of the world. And when the Portugale and Spaniard had 
found the East and West Indies, how many did condemn 
themselves, that did not accept of that honest offer of noble 
Columbus, who, upon our neglect, brought them to it, per- 
suading ourselves the world had no such places as they had 
found ? And yet ever since we find they still (from time to 
time) have found new lands, new nations and trades, and 
still daily do find, both in Asia, Africa, Terra Incognita, 
and America ; so that there is neither soldier nor mechanic, 
from the lord to the beggar, but those parts afford them all 
employment, and discharge their native soil of so many 
thousands of all sorts, that else, by their sloth, pride, and 
imperfections, would long ere this have troubled their neigh- 
bors, or have eaten the pride of Spain itself. 

Now he knows little, that knows not England may well 
spare many more people than Spain, and is as well able to 
furnish them with all manner of necessaries. And seeing, 
for all they have, they cease not still to search for that they 
have not and know not, it is strange we should be so dull 
as not maintain that which we have, and pursue that we 
know. ' Surely, I am sure many would take it ill to be 
abridged of the titles and honors of their predecessors, when 
if but truly they would judge themselves, look how inferior 
they are to their noble virtues, so much they are unworthy 
of their honors and livings, which never were ordained for 
shows and shadows, to maintain idleness and vice, but to 
make them more able to abound in honor, by heroical deeds 
of action, judgment, piety and virtue. What was it they 
would not do, both in purse and person, for the good of the 
commonwealth, which might move them presently to set 
out their spare kindred in these generous designs 1 Reli- 
gion above all things should move us (especially the clergy) 

130 Captain John Smith's 

if we were religious, to show our faith by works, in convert- 
ing those poor salvages to the knowledge of God, seeing 
what pains the Spaniards take to bring them to their adul- 
terated faith. Honor might move the gentry, the valiant 
and industrious, and the hope and assurance of wealth all, 
if we were that we would seem and be accounted. Or be 
we so far inferior to other nations, or our spirits so far 
dejected from our ancient predecessors, or our minds so 
upon spoil, piracy, and such villany, as to serve the Portu- 
gal, Spaniard, Dutch, French, or Turk (as, to the cost of 
Europe, too many do) rather than our God, our King, our 
country and ourselves ? excusing our idleness and our base 
complaints by want of employment, when here is such choice 
of all sorts and for all degrees, in the planting and discover- 
ing these North parts of America. 

Now, to make my words more apparent by my deeds, I 
was, the last year, 1615, to have stayed in the country, to 
make a more ample trial of those conclusions, with sixteen 
men, whose names were 

Thomas Dirmir, } f William Ingram, 

Edward Stalings, | | Robert Miller, 

Daniel Cage, J> Gent. ^ David Cooper, } Soldiers. 
Francis Abbot, | | John Partridge, | 

John Gosling, J [ and two boys, J 

Thomas Digby, ) C Thomas Watson, } 

Daniel Baker, > < Walter Chissell, v Sailors. 

Adam Smith, ) ( John Hall, ) 

I confess I could have wished them as many thousands, 
had all other provisions been in like proportion ; nor would 
I have had so few could I have had means fgr more. Yet 
(would God have pleased we had safely arrived) I never had 
the like authority, freedom, and provision to do so, well. 
The main assistance, next God, I had to this small number, 
was my acquaintance among the salvages, especially with 
Dohannida, one of their greatest lords, who had lived long 
in England. By the means of this proud salvage, I did not 
doubt but quickly to have got that credit with the rest of his 
friends and alliants, to have had as many of them as I desired 
in any design I intended, and that trade also they had, by 

Description of New-England. 131 

such a kind of exchange of their country commodities, which 
both with ease and security in their seasons may be used. 
With him and divers others I had concluded to inhabit, and 
defend them against the Terentynes, with a better power 
than the French did them, whose tyranny did enforce them 
to embrace my offer with no small devotion. And though 
many may think me more bold than wise, in regard of their 
power, dexterity, treachery and inconstancy, having so des- 
perately assaulted and betrayed many others, I say but this, 
(because with so many I have many times done much more 
in Virginia than I intended here, when I wanted that expe- 
rience Virginia taught me) that to me it seems no danger 
more than ordinary. And though I know myself the mean- 
est of many thousands, whose apprehensive inspection can 
pierce beyond the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden 
things of nature, art and reason, yet I entreat such give me 
leave to excuse myself of so much imbecility, as to say, that 
in these eight years which I have been conversant with these 
affairs, I have not learned there is a great difference betwixt 
the directions and judgment of experimental knowledge, 
and the superficial conjecture of variable relation, wherein 
rumor, humor or misprision have such power, that ofttimes 
one is enough to beguile twenty, but twenty not sufficient 
to keep one from being deceived. Therefore I know no 
reason but to believe my own eyes before any man's imagi- 
nation, that is but wrested from the conceits of my own 
projects and endeavors. But I honor, with all affection, the 
counsel and instructions of judicial directions, or any other 
honest advertisement, so far to observe, as they tie me not 
to the cruelty of unknown events. 

These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect 
all other employments, and spend my time and best abilities 
4n these adventures. Wherein, though I have had many 
discouragements by the ingratitude of some, the malicious 
slanders of others, the falseness of friends, the treachery of 
cowards, and slowness of adventurers ; but chiefly by one 
Hunt, who was master of the ship, — with whom, oft arguing 
these projects for a plantation, however he seemed well in 
words to like it, yet he practised to have robbed me of my 
plots and observations, and so to leave me alone in a deso- 
late isle, to the fury of famine, and all other extremities, 
(lest I should have acquainted Sir Thomas Smith, my hon- 

132 Captain John Smith's 

orable good friend, and the Council of Virginia) to the end 
he and his associates might secretly engross it, ere it were 
known to the State. Yet that God that alway hath kept me 
from the worst of such practices, delivered me from the 
worst of his dissimulations. Notwithstanding, after my 
departure he abused the salvages where he came, and be- 
trayed twenty-seven of these poor innocent souls, which he 
sold in Spain for slaves, to move their hate .against our 
nation, as well as to cause my proceedings to be so much 
the more difficult. 

Now, returning in the barque, in the fifth of August, I 
arrived at Plymouth ; where imparting those my purposes 
to my honorable friend Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and some 
others, I was so encouraged and assured to have the man- 
aging their authority in those parts during my life, that I 
engaged myself to undertake it for them. Arriving at Lon- 
don, I found also many promise me such assistance, that I 
entertained Michael Cooper, the master who returned with 
me, and others of the company. How he dealt with others, 
or others with him, I know not ; but my public proceeding 
gave such encouragement, that it became so well appre- 
hended by some few of the Southern Company, as these 
projects were liked, and he furnished from London with 
four ships at sea, before they at Plymouth had made any 
provision at all, but only a ship chiefly set out by Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorge, which, upon Hunt's late treachery among 
the salvages, returned as she went, and did little or nothing 
but lost her time. I must confess I was beholden to the 
setters forth of the four ships that went with Cooper, in that 
they offered me that employment if I would accept h% and I 
find my refusal hath incurred some of their displeasures, 
whose favor and love I exceedingly desire, if I may honestly 
enjoy it. And though they do censure me as opposite to theiif 
proceedings, they shall yet still in all my words and deeds 
find it is their error, not my fault, that occasions their dis- 
like. For having engaged myself in this business to the 
West Country, I had been very dishonest to have broke my 
promise ; nor will I spend more time in discovery, or fish- 
ing, till I may go with a company for plantation ; for I know 
my grounds. Yet every one that reads this book cannot 
put it in practice, though it may help any that have seen 
those parts. And though they endeavor to work me even 

Description of Neiv- England; 138 

out of my own designs, I will not much envy their fortunes; 
but I would be sorry their intruding ignorance should, by 
their defailments, bring those certainties to doubtfulness. 
So that the business prosper, I have my desire, be it by 
Londoner, Scot, Welch, or English, that are true subjects 
to our King and country. The good of my country is that 
I seek, and there is more than enough for all, if they could 
be content but to proceed. 

At last it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and Master 
Doctor SutlifFe, Dean of Exeter, to conceive so well of these 
projects and my former employments, as induced them to 
make a new adventure with me in those parts, whither they 
have so often sent to their continual loss. By whose exam- 
ple many inhabitants of the West country made promises of 
much more than was looked for, but their private emulations 
quickly qualified that heat in the greater number, so that 
the burden lay principally on them and some few gentlemen 
my friends in London. In the end, I was furnished with a 
ship of 200, and another of 50 ; but ere I had sailed one 
hundred and twenty leagues, she broke all her masts, pump- 
ing each watch five or six thousand strokes ; only her 
sprit-sail remained to spoon before the wind, till we had 
re-accommodated a jury-mast, and the rest, to return for 
Plymouth. My vice-admiral being lost, not knowing of 
this, proceeded her voyage. Now with the remainder of 
those provisions, I got out again in a small barque of 60 
tons with 30 men (for this of 200 and provisions for 70) 
which were the 16 before named, and 14 other sailors for 
the ship. With those I set sail again the 24th of June ; 
where what befell me (because my actions and writings are 
so public to the world, envy still seeking to scandalize my 
endeavors, and seeing no power but death can stop the chat 
of ill tongues nor imagination of men's minds), lest my own 
Relations of those hard events might, by some constructors, 
be made doubtful, I have thought it best to insert the exam- 
inations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukley, 
a worthy knight, and Vice-Admiral of Devonshire ; which 
were as followeth : 

134 Captain John Smith's 

The Examination of Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captain 
John Smith in the return of Plimouth ; taken before Sir 
Lewis Stukley, Knight, the eighth of December, 1615. 

Who saith, being chased two days by one Fry,* an Eng- 
lish pirate, that could not board us, by reason of foul 
weather, Edmund Chambers, the master, John Minter, his 
mate, Thomas Digby the pilot, and others importuned his 
said captain to yield, holding it impossible he should 
defend himself, and that the said captain should send them 
his boat, in that they had none. Which at last he conclud- 
ed upon these conditions, that Fry the pirate should vow 
not to take any thing from Captain Smith, that might over- 
throw his voyage, nor send more pirates into his ship than 
he liked of ; otherwise, he would make sure of them he 
had, and defend himself against the rest as he could. 

More : he confessethfthat the quarter-masters and Cham- 
bers received gold of those pirates ; but how much, he 
knoweth not ; nor would his captain come out of his cabin 
to entertain them, although a great many of them had been 
his sailors, and for his love would have wafted us to the 
isles of Flowers. 

At Fyall we were chased by two French pirates, (the 
one of 200, the other 20), who commanded us amain. 
Chambers, Minter, Digby, and others, importuned-again the 
captain to yield, alleging they were Turks, and would make 
them all slaves, or Frenchmen, and w r ould throw them all 
overboard if they shot but a piece ; and that they were en- 
tertained to fish, and not to fight ; until the captain vowed to 
fire the powder and split the ship if they would not stand to 
their defence ; whereby at last we went clear of them, for 
all their shot. 

At Flowers we were chased by four French men of war, 
all with their close fights afore and after. (The Admiral, 
140 tons, 12 pieces, 12 murderers, 90 men, with long pis- 
tols, pocket pistols, musket, sword and poniard ; the Vice- 
Admiral 100 tons, the Rear-Admiral 60, the other 80 ; all 
had 250 men, most armed, as is said.) And this examin- 
ate's captain having provided for our defence, Chambers, 

* Captain Fry's ship 140 tons, 3G cast pieces and murderers, 80 men; of which 40 
or 50 were master gunners. 

Description of New-England. 135 

Minter, Digby, and some others, again importuned him to 
yield to the favor of those against whom there was nothing 
but ruin by fighting. But if he would go aboard them, in 
that he could speak French, by courtesy he might go clear, 
seeing they offered him such fair quarter, and vowed they 
were Protestants, and all of Rochelle, and had the king's 
commission only to take Spaniards, Portugales, and pirates; 
which at last he did ; but they kept this examinate's cap- 
tain and some other of his company with him. The next 
day the French men of war went aboard us, and took what 
they listed, and divided the company into their several ships, 
and manned this examinate's ship with the Frenchmen, and 
chased with her all the ships they saw ; until about fiYQ or 
six days after, upon better consideration, they surrendered 
the ship and victuals, with the most part of our provision, 
but not our weapons. 

More : he confesseth that his captain exhorted them to 
perform their voyage, or go for New-found-land, to return 
freighted with fish, where he would find means to proceed 
in his plantation ; but Chambers and Minter grew upon 
terms they would not, until those that were soldiers con- 
cluded, with their captain's resolution, they would, seeing 
they had clothes, victuals, salt, nets, and lines sufficient, 
and expected their arms ; and such other things as they want- 
ed, the Frenchmen promised to restore, which the captain 
the next day went to seek, and sent them about loading of 
commodities, as powder, match, hooks, instruments, his 
sword and dagger, bedding, aqua vitae, his commission, ap- 
parel and many other things, the particulars he remem- 
breth not. But as for the cloth, canvass, and the captain's 
clothes, Chambers and his associates divided it amongst 
themselves, and to whom they best liked, his captain not 
having any thing, to his knowledge, but his waistcoat and 
breeches. And in this manner going from ship to ship, to 
regain our arms, and the rest, they seeing a sail, gave chase 
until night. The next day being very foul weather, this 
examinate came so near with the ship unto the French men 
of war, that they split the mainsail on the other's spritsail 
yard. Chambers willed the captain come aboard, or he 
would leave him ; whereupon the captain commanded 
Chambers to send his boat for him. Chambers replied she 
was split, (which was false) telling him he might come if he 

136 Captain John Smith's 

would in the Admiral's boat. The captain's answer was, 
he could not command her, nor come when he would ; so 
this examinate fell on stern, and that night left his said cap- 
tain alone amongst the French men, in this manner, by the 
command of Chambers, Minter, and others. 

Daniel Cage, Edward Stalings, gentlemen, Walter Chis- 
sell, Daniel Cooper, Robert Miller, and John Partridge, 
being examined, do acknowledge and confess, that Daniel 
Baker's examination above written is true. 

Now the cause why the French detained me again, was 
the suspicion this Chambers and Minter gave them, that I 
would revenge myself, upon the Bank, or in New-found- 
land, of all the French I could there encounter, and how I 
w T ould have fired the ship, had they not overpersuaded me, 
and many other such like tricks to catch but opportunity in 
this manner to leave me. And thus they returned to Ply- 
mouth, and perforce with the French I thus proceeded. 

Being a fleet of eight or nine sail, we watched for the 
West Indies' fleet, till ill weather separated us from the other 
eight. Still we spent our time about the isles near Fyall ; 
where, to keep my perplexed thoughts from too much med- 
itation of my miserable estate, I writ this discourse, thinking 
to have sent it you of his Majesty's Council, by some ship 
or other ; for I saw their purpose was to take all they could. 
At last we were chased by one Captain Barra, an English 
pirate, in a small ship, with some twelve pieces of ordnance, 
about thirty men, and near all starved. They sought by 
courtesy relief of us, who gave them such fair promises as 
at last we betrayed Captain Wolliston (his lieutenant and 
four or five of their men aboard us, and then provided to 
take the rest perforce. Now my part was to be prisoner in 
the gun-room, and not to speak to any of them upon my 
life ; yet had Barra knowledge what I was. Then Barra 
perceiving well these French intents, made ready to fight, 
and Wolliston as resolutely regarded not their threats, which 
caused us demur upon the matter longer, some sixteen hours, 
and then returned their prisoners, and some victuals also, 
upon a small composition. The next we took was a small 
English man, of Poole, from New-found-land. The great 
cabin at this present was my prison, from whence I could 
see them pillage those poor men of all that they had, and 
half their fish; when he was gone, they sold his poor clothes 

Description of New-England. 137 

at the mainmast, by an outcry, which scarce gave each man 
seven pence apiece. Not long after we took a Scot fraught 
from St. Michael's to Bristow. He had better fortune than 
the other ; for, having but taken a boat's loading of sugar, 
marmalade, suckets, and such like, we descried four sail* 
after whom we stood, who, furling their mainsails, attended 
us to fight. But our French spirits were content only to 
perceive they were English red crosses. Within a very 
small time after, we chased four Spanish ships came from 
the Indies. We fought with them four or five hours, tore 
their sails and sides, yet not daring to board them, lost 
them. A poor carvell of Brasil, was the next we chased ; 
and after a small fight, thirteen or fourteen of her men being 
wounded, which was the better half, we took her, with 370 
chests of sugar, (a prize worth 16,000 crowns). The next 
was a West Indiaman, of 160 tons, with 1200 hides, 50 
chests of cochineal, 14 coffers of wedges of silver, 8000 rials 
of 8, anjd six coffers of the King of Spain's treasure, besides 
the pillage and rich coffers of many rich passengers, (a 
prize worth 200,000 crowns.) Two months they kept me in 
this manner to manage their fights against the Spaniards, 
and be a prisoner when they took any English. Now though 
the captain had oft broke his promise, which was to put me 
ashore on the isles, or the next ship he took, yet at last he 
was entreated I should go for France in the carvell of sugar ; 
himself resolved still to keep the seas. Within two days 
after, we were hailed by two West Indiamen ; but when 
they saw us wave them for the King of France 5 they gave 
us their broadsides, shot through our mainmast, and so left 
us. Having lived thus near three months among those 
French men-of-war, with much ado we arrived at the Gulion, 
not far from Rochelle ; where, instead of the great promises 
they always fed me with, of double satisfaction and full con- 
tent, they kept me five or six days prisoner in the carvell, 
accusing me to be him that burnt their colony in New 
France, to force me give them a discharge before the judge 
of the admiralty, and so stand to their courtesy for satisfac- 
tion, or lie in prison, or a worse mischief. To prevent this 
choice, in the end of such a storm that beat them all under 
hatches, I watched my opportunity to get ashore in their 
boat ; whereinto, in the dark night, I secretly got, and with 
a half pike that lay by me, put adrift for Rat Isle. But the 
current was so strong and the sea so great, I went adrift to 

138 Captain John Smith's 

sea ; till it pleased God the wind so turned with the tide, that 
although I was all this fearful night of gusts and rain in the 
sea the space of twelve hours, when many ships were driven 
ashore, and divers split (and being with sculling and baling 
|he water tired, I expected each minute would sink me,) at 
last I arrived in an oozy isle by Charqwne, where certain 
fowlers found me near drowned, and half dead, with water, 
cold and hunger. By those, I found means to get to Ro- 
chelle, where I understood the man-of-war which we left at 
sea, and the rich prize was split, the captain drowned, and 
half his company the same night, within 3even leagues of 
that place from whence I escaped alone, in the little boat, 
by the mercy of God, far beyond all men's reason, or my 
expectation. Arriving at Rochelle, upon my complaint to 
the judge of the admiralty, I found many good words and 
fair promises ; and ere long many of them that escaped 
drowning told me the news they heard of my own death. 
These I arresting, their several examinations did so ^confirm 
my complaint, it was held proof sufficient. All which being 
performed according to the order of justice, from under the 
judge's hand, I presented it to the English ambassador then 
at Bordeaux, where it was my chance to see the arrival of 
the king's great marriage brought from Spain. Of the wreck 
of the rich prize some 36,000 crowns' worth of goods came 
ashore and was saved with the carvell, which I did my best 
to arrest. The judge did promise me I should have justice. 
What will be the conclusion, as yet I know not.* But under 
the color to take pirates and West Indiamen (because the 
Spaniards will not suffer the French trade in the West In- 
dies) any goods from thence, though they take them upon 
the coast of Spain, are lawful prize ; or from any of his ter- 
ritories out of the limits of Europe. 

Leaving thus my business in France, I returned to Ply- 
mouth, to find them that had thus buried me amongst the 
French, and not only buried me, but with so much infamy 
as such treacherous cowards could suggest to excuse their 
villanies. But my clothes, books, instruments, arms, and 
what I had, they shared amongst them, and what they liked, 
feigning the French had all was wanting, and had thrown 
them into the sea, taken their ship and all, had they not run 
away and left me as they did. The chieftains of this mutiny 

* They betrayed me, having; the broad seal of England ; and near twenty sail of 
English more, besides them concealed, in like manner were betrayed that year. 

Description of New-England. 139 

that I could find, I laid by the heels ; the rest, like them- 
selves, confessed the truth as you have heard. Now how I 
have or could prevent these accidents, I rest at your cen- 
sures. But to the matter. 

New-found-land at the first, I have heard, was held as 
desperate a fishing as this I project in New-England. Pla- 
centia and the Bank were also as doubtful to the French. 
But, for all the disasters happened me, the business is the same 
it was ; and the five ships (whereof one was reported more 
than three hundred tons) went forward, and found fish so 
much, that neither Izelandjman nor New-found-land man I 
could hear of hath been there, will go any more to either 
place, if they may go thither. So that upon the return of 
my Vice-Admiral that.proceeded on her voyage when I spent 
my masts, from Plymouth this year are gone four or five sail, 
and from London as many, only to make voyages of profit. 
Where the Englishmen have yet been, all their returns to- 
gether (except Sir Fr. Popham's) would scarce make one 
a saver of near a dozen I could nominate, though there be 
fish sufficient, as I persuade myself, to freight yearly four or 
five hundred sail, or as many as will go. For this fishing 
stretcheth along the coast from Cape Cod to New-found- 
land, which is seven or eight hundred miles at the least, 
and hath his course in the deeps, and by the shore, all the 
year long, keeping their haunts and feedings as the beasts 
of the field and the birds of the air. But all men are not 
such as they should be, that have undertaken those voyages ; 
and a man that hath but heard of an instrument, can hardly 
use it so well as he that by use hath contrived to make it. 
All the Romans were not Scipios, nor all the Genoese 
Columbuses, nor all Spaniards Corteses. Had they dived 
no deeper in the secrets of their discoveries than we, or 
stopped at such doubts and poor accidental chances, they 
had never been remembered as they are ; yet had they no 
such certainties to begin as we. But, to conclude, Adam 
and Eve did first begin this innocent work to plant the earth 
to remain to posterity ; but not without labor, trouble and 
industry. Noah and his family began again the second 
plantation ; and their seed, as it still increased, hath still 
planted new countries, and one country another ; and so 
the w r orld to that estate it is ; but not without much hazard, 
travail, discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy 
fathers and their memorable offspring not been more diligent 

140 Captain John Smith* s Description, fyc. 

for us now in these ages, than we are to plant that yet im- 
planted, for the after livers ; had the seed of Abraham, our 
Saviour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no 
more dangers to teach the gospel and the will of God than 
we ; — even we ourselves had at this present been as salvage 
and as miserable as the most barbarous salvage yet uncivil- 
ized. The Hebrews and Lacedaemonians, the Goths, the 
Grecians, the Romans, and the rest, what was it they w T ould 
not undertake to enlarge their territories, enrich their sub- 
jects, resist their enemies ? Those that were the founders 
of those great monarchies and th^ir virtues, were no silvered, 
idle, golden Pharisees, but industrious, iron-steeled publicans. 
They regarded more provisions and necessaries for their 
people than jewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselves. 
Riches were their servants, not their masters. They ruled 
(as fathers, not as tyrants,) their people as children, not as 
slaves. There was no disaster could discourage them, and 
let none think they encountered not with all manner of en- 
cumbrances. And what have ever been the works of the 
greatest princes of the earth, but planting of countries and 
civilizing barbarous and inhumane nations to civility and 
humanity % whose eternal actions fill our histories. Lastly, 
the Portugals and Spaniards, whose ever-living actions be- 
fore our eyes, will testify with them our idleness and ingrat- 
itude to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties in our 
piety and religion we owe our God, our King, and country, 
and our want of charity to those poor salvages, whose country 
we challenge, use and possess, except we be but made to 
use and mar what our forefathers made, or but only tell what 
they did, or esteem ourselves too good to take the like 
pains. Was it virtue in them to provide that doth maintain 
us and baseness for us to do the like for others ? Surely 
no. Then seeing we are not born for ourselves, but each 
to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the hour 
of our birth and the minute of our death ; seeing our good 
deeds or our bad, by faith in Christ's merits, is all we have 
to carry our souls to heaven or hell ; seeing honor is our 
lives' ambition, and our ambition after death to have an hon- 
orable memory of our life ; and seeing by' no means we 
would be abated of the dignities and glories of our predeces- 
sors, let us imitate their virtues to be worthily th,eir suc- 


An Account op the Captivity of Hugh Gibson among 
the Delaware Indians of the Big Beaver and the 
Muskingum, from the latter part of July 1756, to 
the beginning of April, 1759. 

To the Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D., LL.D., Corresponding 

Secretary of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Vicinity of Pittsburg, ^Xlth February, 1834. 

Rev. and Dear Sir, 

Very numerous were the instances of alarm, terror, captivity, ex- 
treme suffering, and murder in its most appalling forms, among the early 
settlers of the interior parts of Pennsylvania ; of which, however, little 
is at present known, except from vague and obscure tradition. Full 
accounts of these, if it were possible to collect them, would swell a 
volume to no ordinary size, and of most painful interest, 

To rescue from oblivion some notices of the captivity of the late 
Hugh Gibson, I spent a day and a night with this venerable man, in 
February, 1826, while his mental powers were unusually bright, for one 
at the age of eighty-five years. It was very gratifying to him to have 
it in his power, before the close of his pilgrimage, to give, as he did in 
detail with great minuteness, a narrative of that part of his life which he 
had spent with the Indians. I took a brief memorandum of the facts, 
as he related them ; and then making a transcript, in extenso, in a plain 
style, of what I had written, carefully read it to Mr. Gibson, in order 
that, if requisite, any corrections might be introduced. But, as it was 
found to be fully to his mind, none were suggested. 
- I will only add, that Mr. Gibson departed this life on the 30th day of 
the following July, — five months after my last interview with him. 

Your friend and brother, 

Timothy Alden. 

Hugh Gibson, an account of whose trials and sufferings 
among the Indians is now, for the first time, submitted to 
the public, was the eldest son of David Gibson and his wife, 
originally Mary M'Clelland. His parents lived at the Six 
Miles' Cross, near Stewart's Town, in the north of Ireland, 
till about the year 1740, when they crossed the Atlantic 
and settled on a plantation of th^ir purchase in Lancaster 
county, Pennsylvania, two mitas and a half below Peach 

142 Hugh Gibson's Captivity 

Bottom Ferry, on the Susquehannah ; where the subject of 
this Narrative was born in February, 1741. 

Mr. Gibson at the age of five years was deprived of his 
father. His mother, in her widowed state, removed to a 
place in the vicinity of Robinson's Fort, nearly twenty miles 
from Carlisle, and at length, in consequence of danger ap- 
prehended, with others, in 1756, resided in the Fort. On 
a certain morning in the latter part of July, he and his 
mother, with Elizabeth Henry, went out in search of their 
cattle. They were unexpectedly beset by a party of Indians. 
His mother was shot at some distance from him, and Sarah 
Wilson, who had joined her, was tomahawked. 

Mr. Gibson heard the gun, which had proved instantly 
fatal to his mother, and was immediately after pursued by 
three Indians, from whom he attempted to escape ; but soon 
finding it impossible to outrun them, stopped, and entreated 
them not to take his life. One of them had already aimed 
his rifle at him, but the powder merely flashing in the pan, 
the contents of the deadly weapon were not discharged. He 
was taken by one of the Indians, who was a son of King 
Beaver, and was afterwards presented by him to Bisquittam, 
another Delaware chief, and an uncle of the captor. Eliza- 
beth Henry was also captured at the same time. The party 
of Indians, to whom the three above-mentioned belonged, 
consisting of about twenty, had killed a number of hogs two 
or three miles off, and, having breakfasted upon the swine's 
flesh, took their two young captives through the trackless 
desert over the mountains, to Kittanning on the Alleghany 
river, now the site of the pleasant village of Armstrong. 

From this place Gibson and two Indians rode to Fort du 
Quesne, standing near the extremity of the point of land 
formed by the junction of the Alleghany and the Mononga- 
hela, about sixty miles from Kittanning. Here he was first 
introduced to the before-named Bisquittam. Elizabeth 
Henry was conducted to some distant region, and her fellow 
captive never saw her again. 

Bisquittam was one of seven brethren, all high in author- 
ity among the Delawares of the West. One of these had 
been killed by the Cherokees, and Gibson was adopted, 
according to aboriginal usage, to supply his place in the royal 
family (to use the phraseology of the narrator), and of course 
ever after, while residing with his savage associates, bore 

among the Delaware Indians. 143 

his name, which was Mun-hiit'-ta-kis-wil-lux-is-soh'-pon, — 
a compound long enough for the cognomen of an eastern 
prince, yet of somewhat an uncourtly signification, as it is, 
literally interpreted — Big-rope-gut-hominy. 

At the first interview, Bisquittam, addressing himself to 
Gibson, said, "I am your brother/' and, pointing to one 
after another in the company, added, " This is your brother, 
that is your brother, this is your cousin, that is your cousin, 
and all these are your friends. " He then painted his adopted 
brother and told him that the Indians would take him to the 
river, wash away all his white blood, and make him an Indian. 
They accordingly took him to the river, plunged him into 
the water, thoroughly washed him from head to foot, and 
conducted him back to his master and brother. He was 
then furnished, in Indian style, with a breech-cloth, leggins, 
capo, porcupine moccasins, and a shirt. After this cere- 
mony he returned with his new friends to Kittanning. He 
was at the Middle Kittaning at the time the Upper Kittan- 
ing was destroyed by Colonel Armstrong, and heard the 
deadly firing. As the Indians were about to pass over to 
the east side of the river and to the scene of carnage, Gibson 
asked Bisquittam what he should do. He said, " Go to the 
squaws, and keep with them ;" which he did. At that 
encounter, well known in Indian warfare, Armstrong lost 
forty men, and the enemy but fourteen, as reported by the 
Indians. Captain Jacobs, a noted warrior in those days of 
terror, killed, while under the covert of the house in which 
he was posted (his squaw assisting him in loading his guns), 
no less than fourteen, and refused to surrender, though re- 
peatedly urged. At length some of Armstrong's men threat- 
ened to burn the house over his head. He replied, that 
" they might if they would; he could eat fire." He and his 
wife were burnt with the house. In the contest Jacobs had 
received seven balls before he was brought upon his knees. 
At this time, besides Jacobs, his brother and another great 
warrior were among the slain. The Indians told Gibson 
that they had rather have lost a hundred of their men 
than those three chiefs. 

Gibson was now compelled to witness a painful specimen 
of savage barbarity — the torturing and burning of an inof- 
fensive female, who had fallen into the hands of the merciless 
foe. The wife of Alexander M' Allister, who had been taken 

144 Hugh Gibson's Captivity 

at Tuscarora valley, was the unhappy victim. The same 
Indian who had killed Gibson's mother, tied her to a sap- 
ling, where she was long made to writhe in the flames. He 
knew the Indian to have been the murderer of his mother, 
from her scalp, which hung as a trophy from his belt. 
Before these unfeeling wretches had satisfied themselves 
with the slow but excruciating tortures they caused this 
woman to endure, a heavy thunder-gust with a 5 torrent of 
rain came on, which greatly incommoded the Indians. Mrs. 
M'Allister most earnestly prayed for deliverance, but cruel 
are the tender mercies of the poor unenlightened savages. 
They however, sooner no doubt than they intended, when 
they saw that their fire must be shortly extinguished, shot 
her, and threw her remains upon the embers. 

They told Gibson that they had brought him to behold 
this sight, on purpose to show him how they would deal 
with him, in case he should ever attempt to run away. 

Soon after these events, he went with his companions to 
Fort du Quesne, where he remained a number of days, and 
ascertained that the French and Indians daily drew fifteen 
hundred rations. 

His next remove was to Kuskuskin [Hog-Town] on the 
Mahoning, a considerable distance above its confluence with 
the Big Beaver, where he stayed till the following spring. 
At this place his life was, for a period, in great jeopardy. 
He had inadvertently 4 said that he had heard that the white 
people were coming against the Indians. Bisquittam's 
brother, by name Mi-us'-kil-la-mize, was at the place, and 
his squaw had heard Gibson stafe the rumor he had heard. 
She had conceived a violent prejudice against him, and was 
determined that he should be burnt. A little white girl, 
about twelve years old, who had been taken in Tuscarora 
valley, was instructed by the enraged squaw to tell Bisquit- 
tam, on his return from Shenango, whither he had gone to 
tarry a' little while, that Gibson said, that he hoped the 
white men would come against the Indians, and that he 
wished to run away — adding that, if she did not say all this 
to Bisquittam, she should be burnt. The little girl told 
Gibson what a lesson she had received from the squaw. 
He told the young captive to say no such thing, but to say 
that he loved Bisquittam, his brothers, cousins, and friends, 
and that he had no intention to run away. 

among the Delaivare Indians. 145 

Miuskillamize ordered Gibson to go into the woods and 
hunt for his horse, which he might know from others by his 
large bell ; and he should ride him to Shenango, there to be 
burnt by Bisquittam, to whom he had previously sent word, 
impeaching his white brother. Gibson spent three days, 
with a sorrowful heart, hunting for the beast, but did not 
find him. In the mean time Bisquittam caused information 
to be given that he would return to Kuskuskin, to burn him 
at that place. 

He accordingly came, and Gibson was standing at the 
door as he rode up, his face painted black, and vengeance 
sparkling in his eyes. His first salutation in English, which 
he well understood, was, " G — d d — n you ; you want to 
run away, do you ? The white girl will tell me all about it." 

She was called, and Gibson went into the house; but 
was in a situation to hear all that passed, yet unknown to 
Bisquittam. The little captive was faithful in stating what 
Gibson had told her. Upon this, Bisquittam called to him 
to come out. He made no reply. The call, in a louder 
tone of voice, was repeated once or twice. At length Gib- 
son answered, and made his appearance. 

Bisquittam, speaking with great mildness and affection, 
said, " Brother, I find the Indians want to kill you. We 
will go away from them — we will not live with them any 
more." They then withdrew some distance, to a common, 
and erected their tent and kindled their fire, living by them- 
selves. Thus he providentially escaped the most horrible 
kind of death ever inflicted by the savages. 

In the spring of 1757 Gibson went to Sdh'-koon, at the 
mouth of the Big Beaver, where he and his brother Bisquit- 
tam spent almost a year. At this place Bisquittam took a 
Dutch captive for his wife. 

Gibson, and Hezekiah Wright, another captive, here 
cherished many serious thoughts of attempting an escape. 
Wright, to encourage Gibson in the enterprise, told him 
that he would teach him the millwright's trade, and would 
give him forty dollars. In pursuance of their object, Gibson 
took a horse, saddle and bridle, belonging to the Indians, 
and set out, intending to cross the Ohio river, Wright on the 
horse, and Gibson by swimming. Th ; s was in the autumn 
of 1757. They had not proceeded far before Wright began 
to rue the undertaking, well lino wing the dreadful conse- 

146 Hugh Gibson's Captivity 

quence if they should fail to accomplish their purpose. They 
soon came to the conclusion that it was prudent to abandon 
their hazardous project ; and so they returned to their com- 
panions, before any suspicions had been excited. . 

Some Indians came to Fort Mcintosh (now Beaver), and 
said in council, that a white man had run away, followed by 
two dogs ; adding, that they supposed he would kill one of 
them and eat it, and afterwards the other. 

It having been noticed that Gibson and Wright were often 
in close conversation, they were suspected of an intention 
to abscond. Bisquittam had no doubts on the subject, and 
gave vent to his indignation by English oaths and curses, 
which he had learned of his white fellow creatures ; for the 
Indians have no words in any of their dialects for cursing 
and swearing. He then gave orders to the Indians to take 
Gibson away, and burn him. They accordingly took him 
and led him to the common, where they whipped him with 
a hickory stick till his body was perfectly livid. One of the 
Indians told another to go and get some fire, and they would 
burn him. Gibson now thought it proper to attempt an 
apology, which he hoped would be satisfactory, for his asso- 
ciating so much with Wright. He told the Indians that the 
reason why he was so frequently with Wright was, that he 
was a very ingenious man, and they were mutually contriv- 
ing how to make a plough, like those used by white men, 
in order to plough in the rich bottom land, and to raise a 
great crop of corn. Upon this representation, the Indians 
told him that he must not be angry with them for what 
they had done ; that Bisquittam was a great man ; and that 
they must do whatever he commanded. They then, to 
make some amends for the flagellation they had given Gib- 
son, and to secure his future friendship, presented him a 
new shirt and a pair of new leggins. 

On a certain time, Bisquittam came to him, where he 
was busy making clapboards, and said, " You good-for-noth- 
ing devil, why do you not work ?" and kicked him down, 
and trampled him under his feet. At length Gibson, after 
having borne his abusive treatment for some time, looking 
up with an unruffled countenance, and in a soft and gentle 
manner, merely saying, " I hear you, brother,'' his master 
was instantly disarmed of his rage, and showed him the 
greatest kindness. 

among the Delaware Indians. 147 

In the fall of the year they went back to Kuskuskin, where 
they spent the winter. In the ensuing spring, an Indian, 
called Captain Birds, from the circumstance that he had two 
birds painted, one on each temple, was making arrangements 
for going to war at Tulpehokken. Gibson said that he 
wished to go too, but was opposed by Bisquittam. All 
contemplating this expedition were volunteers. Gibson 
attended the war-dance every night with the Indians. One 
of his cousins, who encouraged him in his purpose of joining 
the war party, advised him to spend a few days in hunting, 
stating that Bisquittam would soon be out of the way, as he 
was about to set out for Koh-hok-king, in the neighborhood 
of Painted Post. " Then/' said he, "you can go." 

Gibson and a little boy, of twelve years of age, went on 
a hunting excursion, were absent three days, killed two 
turkeys, and returned ; but Bisquittam, whether suspecting 
the plan or not is unknown, was still at the place. He, 
with the little boy again took a tour into the woods. They 
reached an Indian sugar camp the first evening, stole a horse 
and a bag of corn, rode seven miles to a cranberry swamp, 
tarried there seven days, parched and ate their corn, threw 
away the bag, killed one turkey, and returned to the sugar 
camp. Here they heard a gun. Gibson discharged his, 
which led the Indian who had first fired to come to him, as 
he expected and wished. His first inquiry was, whether 
Bisquittam had set out for Kohhokking, and, being answer- 
ed in the negative, he sent the little boy to the Indian town, 
and the next morning took the nearest course to Fort Mc- 
intosh. He went to the warriors, among whom he saw the 
cousin who had encouraged him to join the war party. Bis- 
quittam, having ascertained that Gibson was at Mcintosh, 
sent word to the Indians that if they took him away so that 
he should lose him, he would make them pay him a thou- 
sand bucks, or return him another prisoner equally good. 

Having spent several days with the warriors, till they 
were about to repair to Fort du Quesne for their equipments, 
they told him he should not go with them. One of the sav- 
ages held a tomahaw T k over his head and said he would kill 
him on the spot, and then he would not have the trouble of 
going — and added, that he only wished to go to the war, in 
order to have a good opportunity to desert from the Indians. 
The cousin before-mentioned said, in Gibson's behalf, that 

148 Hugh Gibson's Captivity 

he should be with him all the time, and that there would be 
no danger of his escape, even if he wished it. Upon this, 
he w r ent over the ferry and accompanied them about five 
miles, where he saw Buffalo Horn, another brother of Bis- 
quittam, who asked the Indians if Gibson was going with 
them to the war. They replied, that they could not per- 
suade him to go. Buffalo Horn said that, after he had done 
eating, he would talk to him about it. This chief shortly 
after took him aside and said, "Hughey, are you going to 
the war ? I tell you not to go. You and I are going into 
the country in the fall. I shall go to fight the Cherokees, 
and you shall go w 7 ith me. Stay with me, your poor old 
sick brother. Get me some pigeons and squirrels." Gibson 
replied, " I will do whatever you wish me to do." He then 
said to Gibson, " Take my negro man and canoe, and fetch 
me some corn from Mcintosh." In fulfilment of this direc- 
tion, he went to that Fort, where he saw King Shingiss, 
(giving the title to this chief which Gibson gave him), a 
brother of King Beaver, and Bisquittam. King Shingiss said 
to him, " Are you here ? You are a bad boy. We are all 
sick. You must go as an express to Kuskuskin, to tell the 
people that three Indians have been killed and three wound- 
ed by the Cherokees, and you will occupy my tent till I 
come." Gibson, taking a loaf of bread and two blankets, 
immediately set out and travelled on foot to the place, a 
distance of thirty-six miles, in six hours. 

The Indians said that they would all come to him to hear 
the news, that they might have the truth. Here he remain- 
ed, dwelling in King Shingiss's tent till autumn. 

On one occasion King Shingiss and Gibson went into the 
woods, in pursuit of any wild animals they could find. The 
latter killed a large bear, much to the mortification of the 
former, as he killed nothing, and thought it highly deroga- 
tory to his character to be outdone by a white fellow hunter. 
While on this excursion, Gibson told King Shingiss there 
would shortly be a peace with the white men. " How do 
you know?" said he. Gibson replied, " I dreamed so." 
A few days after, Frederick Post, in company with Bisquit- 
tam, came to Kuskuskin, with a view to settle the prelimi- 
naries of a peace. This was in the latter part of 1758. 
Ever after, while Gibson continued with the Indians, he was 
called a prophet. 

among the Delaware Indians. 149 

Gibson was afraid to see Bisquittam, because he had 
wished to join the Tulpehokken warriors, contrary to his 
master's will. However, he approached him affectionately, 
and said, "How do you, brother? I have brought a 
large bear skin, and make a present of it to you to sleep 
upon." Bisquittam received him kindly and thanked him 
for the donation. They both repaired to Fort Mcintosh, 
where they abode till some time in the winter. 

It was in the autumn of 1758, that General Forbes, being 
at Loyal Hanna, sent Captain Grant, with three hundred 
men and three days' provisions, to view the ground and 
ascertain the best route to Fort du Qtuesne. Grant exceed- 
ed his orders, being sanguine of success, and rashly urged 
his way with the expectation of taking the Fort. He was 
met and pursued by the French and Indians on or near the 
hill in Pittsburg, which bears his name to the present day. 
Grant killed many of the enemy, but not a few of his own 
men were destroyed and taken. He also became a captive 
and was sent to Canada. The residue of his forces retreated 
to Fort Ligonier. This is the purport of Gibson's state- 

The Indians, having strong suspicions that their brother 
intended to desert them, about the middle of October, 1758, 
took him to Kus'-ko-ra'-vis, the western branch, which 
uniting with White Woman's Creek, the eastern branch, 
forms the Muskingum. There was his home till the begin- 
ning of the ensuing April, when he found means to make 
his escape. 

At this place was David Brackenridge, recently taken at 
Loyal Hanna. Here also were two German young women, 
who had been captured at Mok-ki-noy, near the Juniata, 
long before Gibson. The name of one was Barbara. The 
other was called by the Indians Pum-e-ra-moo, but she was 
from a family by the name of Grove. It was at length de- 
termined by the inhabitants of the forest that the latter 
should marry one of the natives, who had been selected for 
her. She told Gibson that she would sooner be shot than 
have him for her husband, and entreated him, as did 
Barbara likewise, to unite with them in the attempt to run 
away. They proposed a plan, which they supposed would 
afford facilities for the desirable object. They were to feign 
themselves indisposed ; when it was expected that they 

150 Hugh Gibson's Captivity 

would be ordered to withdraw from the society of Indians, 
and to live by themselves for a season. The project suc- 
ceeded according to expectation. On their making the 
representation, as agreed, the Indians told them to go and 
kindle their fire at some distance from them. 

They selected for their purpose the bank of the Muskin- 
gum, just below the confluence of the two branches of the 
river. The night was appointed for their flight. In the 
mean time Gibson, returning late one evening to his master, 
told him that he had seen the track of his horse, which he 
knew by the impression of his shoes, no other horse in that 
quarter being shod, and that he had followed the track for 
some time without being able to overtake him. He then 
proposed to Bisquittam to go in search of the horse, and, 
having found him, to spend three days in hunting; to which 
his master acceded. It was further agreed that Bisquittam 
should spend some time in a meadow, a little below the fire 
of the two women, in digging hoppenies [i. e. groundnuts], 
and that Gibson should return that way with the horse and 
venison, and take the hoppenies and meat home. Bisquit- 
tam furnished him with a gun, a powder-horn well filled, 
thirteen bullets, a deer skin for making moccasins and sinews 
to sew them, two blankets, and two shirts, one of which was 
to be hung up to keep the crows from pillaging the venison. 

After breakfast he started, and instead of going in pursuit 
of the horse, took his course leisurely to the women's camp, 
seven miles, where he arrived about ten o'clock in the 
evening, and found Brackenridge with them, according to 
previous arrangements. As he travelled, in the evening he 
discovered some of the natives, though they probably did 
not notice him. He saw the fire, where Bisquittam had 
been digging hoppenies during a part of the day, perhaps 
not more than sixty rods from the spot whence they were to 
attempt their departure. The utmost caution, prudence, 
and despatch were indispensable in the hazardous enterprise ; 
for, should their object be discovered, nothing could save 
them from the stake. 

It was about the full moon. The Muskingum was very 
high, and there were two rafts near the women's fire. 
They unmoored one, and it soon went down the river. 
They entered the other with their accoutrements, the wo- 
men taking their kettle, crossed the Muskingum, and let 

among the Delaware Indians. 151 

the raft go adrift. They travelled with all possible expedi- 
tion during the residue of the night in a southerly direction, 
in order to deceive the Indians, in case they should attempt 
to follow them. In the morning they steered a due east 

On the second day they mortally wounded a bear, which, 
in the contest, bit the leg of Gibson, and got into a hole, 
whence they could not obtain him. They however killed a 
buck, the best part of which they carried in a kind of hopper,* 
made of his skin. On the third day, at night, they ventured 
to make a fire, roasted and feasted upon their venison. On 
the fourth day they shot a doe, took the saddle, reached the 
Ohio river above Wheeling, made a raft with the aid of their 
tomahawks, passed over, and entered a deep ravine, where 
the land above them was supposed to be more than three 
hundred feet j in height. Here they kindled a fire, cooked 
and ate their meat, and spent the night. 

In the morning, with much difficulty they ascended the 
steep eminence, and set their faces for Fort du Quesne, 
keeping on the ridge not far, in general, from the Ohio. 
They saw the fresh tracks of Indians, when opposite to Fort 
Mcintosh, but were not molested, and probably were not 
seen by them. 

On the fifteenth day after leaving the Muskingum, in the 
evening, they arrived in safety on the banks of the Monon- 
gahela, directly opposite to the Fort, and called for a boat. 
The people were suspicious of some Indian plot, having 
once before been grossly and treacherously deceived. The 
captives were directed to state their number, their names, 
whence they had been taken, with other circumstances, for 
the satisfaction of the garrison, before their wishes could be 

Brackenridge told Uhem that he was taken at Loyal 
Hanna, where he drove a wagon numbered 39. Some 
of the soldiers knew the statement to be correct. Gibson 
informed them that he was captured near Robinson's" Fort, 
and that Israel Gibson was his brother. Some present were 
acquainted with the latter. The females represented that 
they were from Mokkinoy, and that there were but four of 
the party. 

* In the dialect of our hunters — a hoppus. 

152 Hugh Gibson's Captivity 

Upon this, two boats with fifteen men well armed, crossed 
the Monongahela. Their orders were, in case there should 
appear to be more than four, to fire upon them. On 
approaching the western shore, the boatmen directed the 
captives to stand back upon the rising ground, and to come 
forward, one at a time, as they should be called. In this 
way they were all soon received and carried to Fort du 
Quesne, where their joy was such as may be better con- 
ceived than described. It was not long before they were 
all restored, like persons from the dead, to the arms of their 
relatives and friends. 

Gibson went to Lancaster county, where he spent two 
years with his uncle, William M'Clelland, and married a 
daughter of the widow Elizabeth White. He then repaired 
to his late mother's plantation in Shearman's valley, two 
miles from Robinson's Fort. He withdrew, after having 
wrought upon that place two years, in consequence of hearing 
that the Indians were intending to come and take him 
again into captivity, and lived in Lancaster county during 
the Revolutionary war. At the age of fifty-three years, he 
removed to Plum Creek, on the Alleghany, and thence to 

Western Pennsylvania being free from all fears of Indian 
depredations, after Wayne's treaty, he settled, on the 17th 
of April, 1797, in Wayne township, Crawford county, seven 
miles below Meadville, on the eastern bank of French Creek, 
his plantation comprising a part of Bald Hill, which, with 
the bottom land opposite, was called by the Indians Kish-a- 
ko-quil-la, from a chief, who had lived in the valley, of that 
name, in the vicinity of the Juniata. 

From tradition it appears that there was an aboriginal 
town of considerable magnitude at this place, particularly 
on the fertile bottom on the western side of the Creek. 
Captain Samuel Brady, long a majormissabib to the natives 
of the forest, far and near, is said, on one occasion to have 
taken forty scalps at this village. Another tradition repre- 
sents that Washington spent a night at this Kishakoquilla, 
when on his way to Le Bceuf, now Waterford, with des- 
patches from Governor Dinwiddie. Tomahawks, axes and 
other tools, made of iron, are still occasionally found here 
in ploughing, which, no doubt, were obtained by the tawny 
pre-occupants of this region from the French, traces of 

among the Delaware Indians. 153 

whose establishments have been discovered in many places 
in Crawford and other adjoining counties. 

In conclusion, it might be remarked that Mr. Gibson had 
no inclination to spend his days with the Indians, although 
in general, with a few painful exceptions, he was treated 
kindly by them. They were very urgent that he should 
form a matrimonial alliance with some daughter of the forest, 
for which, however, he had no desire. On one occasion, 
while at Kuskoravis, a certain squaw conceiving the pur- 
pose to take him for her husband, made some tender 
advances. He was not only coy but peremptory in refusing 
her hand. His brother and master, Bisquittam, was ex- 
tremely angry with him for refusing to take a wife from the 
tribe, and in this case caused him to be severely whipped 
with a hickory rod. 

P. S. David Brackenridge, a native of Scotland, was born 
near Campbleton Loch, and, when about twelve years of 
age, came to America, and lived with a relative near Fogg's 
Manor meeting-house, in Chester county. He was about 
twenty-one years of age, when taken by the Indians. His 
friends supposed him to be dead, and appointed some one to 
administer on his estate. The day for selling his effects at 
auction having been duly advertised, they were all sold ; 
and on the same day, before the purchasers had withdrawn, 
he arrived, to their no small astonishment, and all rejoiced 
to surrender to the rightful owner whatever they had bought. 


154 Niks' s History of the 

A Summary Historical Narrative of the Wars in 
New-England with the French and Indians, in the 
•several parts of the country. 

[The original manuscript of the following History of the Wars in 
New-England with the French and Indians, was recently found in a 
box of papers bequeathed to the Massachusetts Historical Society by 
their venerable associate, the Rev. Dr. Freeman. The author of it, 
the Rev. Samuel Niles, was born, as he himself states in this work, on 
Block Island, May 1, 1674, and was graduated at Harvard College in 
1699. He was settled at Braintree May 23, 1711, and died May 1, 
1762, aged 88 years. He is enumerated by the* Rev. John Barnard in 
his list of " the excellent and worthy men whom he knew among the 
ministers of New-England ;" at the end of which list he adds, " These 
were all men of learning, pious, humble, prudent, faithful and useful 
men in their day." (1 Mass. Hist. Coll. X. 170.) He published several 
theological works, the titles of which are recorded in the brief notice of 
him in Allen's American Biographical Dictionary. 

Prefixed to the History is an Introduction, of eight pages in the 
manuscript, which was found in such a mutilated condition that no use 
could be made of it. This, however, is the less to be regretted, as 
these pages consisted in great part of the author's reflections, and, 
judging from what remains, contained no facts of any importance. This 
Introduction concludes as follows : — " I have nothing further to add 
here, but only to acquaint the reader that in the following sheets he 
will find an exact Narrative, — as far as my intelligence has reached, 
and upon the best grounds I could obtain, from approved authors and 
otherwise, — of the successive Wars with the Indians, who first began 
to act in a hostile manner against the English in this country, and after- 
wards with the French, acting in conjunction with them. In which 
will be found some account of all the slaughter and bloodshed commit- 
ted by them that I could find, from the beginning to this day. The 
slain, who they were, and where, are set down numerically, mostly with 
the circumstances attending their death, together with some few remark- 
able occurring providences. Which may they be made, through grace, 
effectual to awaken, reform, and quicken us to our duty, civil and reli- 
gious, is the earnest wish and prayer of the author, 

Samuel Niles. 

Braintree, April 24, 1760." 

Indian and French Wars. 155 

The late President, John Adams, in a letter to the Hon. William 
Tudor, dated Quincy, Sept. 23, 1818, thus speaks of this manuscript 
and its author. # 

" There is somewhere in existence, as I hope and believe, a manu- 
script History of Indian Wars, written by the Rev. Samuel Niles, of 
Braintree. Almost sixty years ago, I was an humble acquaintance of 
this venerable clergyman, then, as I believe, more than fourscore years of 
age. He asked me many questions, and informed me, in his own house, 
that he was endeavoring to recollect and commit to writing a History 
of Indian Wars, in his own time, and before it, as far as he could col- 
lect information. This History he ' completed and prepared for the 
press ; but no printer would undertake it, or venture to propose a sub- 
scription for its publication. Since my return from Europe, I inquired 
of his oldest son, the Hon. Samuel Niles, of Braintree, on a visit he 
made me at my own house, what was become of that manuscript. He 
laughed, and said it was still safe in the till of a certain trunk ; but no 
encouragement had ever appeared for its publication. I then revered, 
and still revere, the honest, virtuous, and pious man; and his memorial 
of facts might be of great value to this country." 

Publishing Committee.'] 

The manner in which this country was at first settled by 
the English, must be owned as that which demonstrates it 
to be pointed out by the finger of God for some extraordi- 
nary event, as since in providence is manifest, and wonder- 
fully proved. 

It is not my present business or purpose to recriminate, 
much less to enter upon a detail of the many reflections cast 
on these memorable adventurers, the first planters, in their 
beginnings, — but to observe, as I go along, some of the dif- 
ficulties attending them, especially with the wars they 
encountered from the French, and Indians in their interest, 
and the protection and defence ministered to them by the 
hand of Providence under all, which is worthy of commemo- 
ration and acknowledgment to the Almighty Ruler of the 

It evidently appears, from all we can learn of those first 
times in New-England, that as God with a high hand and 
outstretched arm brought our fathers out of and from their 
native land into this wilderness, by the same power and 
goodness in providence he wonderfully protected and pro- 
vided for them here ; which must be allowed, if we take a 
survey of the country in the situation it then stood, they 
being but very few in number, thrown into a country crowded 
with thousands and ten thousands of inhabitants, of a different 
color, language, customs and manner of life, wholly void of 

156 Niles's History of the 

any religious sentiments, and destitute of any proper notions 
of God or a Supreme Being, fierce, revengeful, and of a cruel 
and barbarous disposition, the reverse to all the rules of 
humanity in their tempers. Such a people as this God 
ordered in wisdom the first English planters here to cohabit 
with, as the place he had appointed for them ; they being 
also altogether ignorant, at that time, of the nature of the 
soil, and best manner of cultivation of the ground for their 
support. Under all these dark and discouraging, insupport- 
able difficulties, with many more, as we may easily conceive, 
•even as beyond and out of the reach of nature to surmount, 
God provided a remedy. For, in the first place, God sent their 
singular friend, Squanto, before them, who instructed them 
in the manner of manure and tillage. So also God, in sove- 
reignty, and in a wonderful manner, governed and softened 
the tempers of the barbarians to that degree that our people 
had a free and friendly commerce and correspondence with 
them all, until the Pequot tribe rose up iri open acts of hos- 
tility ; the manner whereof will be noticed in what follows. 

But before we come to that war, it may be proper to re- 
mark that the universal friendship our fathers met with from 
the heathen here in the beginning, might proceed, in part, 
from this, namely; as the several tribes of Indians were near 
to one another, and their territories not large, and also 
being accustomed to war, as their manner is, which must 
cause an alienation, and probably jealousy of each other's 
fidelity,— these or such like intervening obstructions, doubt- 
less prevented their uniting in the pursuit of an enterprise 
so precarious in the issue as it would have been to attempt 
the total destruction of the English, and especially if any 
were so corruptly disposed. They at the same time very 
well knew, that the English had several tribes of the Indians, 
with their sachems or kings, closely attached to them, that 
would soon espouse their cause and revenge any injury done 

However, it must be acknowledged, that it was " the 
Lord's doing, and should be marvellous in our eyes, ,, that 
the rage of the heathen was thus restrained. It is not my 
purpose here to transmit to after time the particular difficul- 
ties this people underwent in their beginnings. Those that 
want a more exact account I refer them to the book, entitled 

Indian and French Wars. 157 

"New-England's Memorial,"* written in the beginning 
times of New-England's settlement by the English. 

Therefore., as the design of the following History is to 
give a Narrative of the wars in the land from the year 1634 
to this present year 1760 — to offer something briefly ante- 
ceding the first war with the Indians. About or in the year 
1633, several gentlemen arrived at the Massachusetts from 
England, who went up to the western parts to make a dis- 
covery of Connecticut river; the next year began to remove 
thither. About that time came over to the Massachusetts 
Captain John Mason, and soon after went up to Connecticut 
river, and there settled at the town called Windsor, but after 
removed to Norwich. In the beginning of the year 1637, 
Hartford, Windsor, and Wethersfield were settled, and a 
fortification built at Saybrook, at the mouth of the river. 
This town took its name from two gentlemen adventurers, 
whose names were Say and Brook, who probably built this 

At this time I am speaking of, there were especially three 
powerful warlike nations or tribes of Indians in the south- 
western parts of the country, — the Narragansetts, the 
Pequots, and Mohegans. The Pequots were a fierce and 
powerful nation, that had, by their conquests and cruelties, 
struck a terror to all the nations of Indians round about 

These Pequots, with their depending tribes, soon entered 
on a resolution to destroy the English out of the country, 
flush, probably, with a daring opinion of their superiority 
over all their neighboring countrymen, who termed Sassa- 
cus, the grand sachem of the Pequots, a god that nobody 
could kill. However, that he might more effectually accom- 
plish his bloody purpose, he makes application to Mianti- 
nomo (or rafcher Ninicraft, which name the sachems of the 
Narragansett country have borne in their succeeding ages 
and reigns) for his junction in this war, politicly repre- 
senting to him, "that if he should help or suffer the English 
to subdue the Pequots, they would thereby make way for 
his and his people's future ruin; alleging also that they need 
not come to open battle with the English, only fire their 

[* The author was Nathaniel Morton, Secretary of Plymouth Colony. The last 
and best edition of this work was printed at Boston in 1826, greatly enlarged and 
improved by the notes of the editor, the Honorable Judge Davis. Pub. Com.] 

158 Niks' s History of the 

houses, kill their cattle, and lie in ambush and shoot them 
as they went about their business. By that means they 
would be forced quickly to leave the country, and the Indians 
not exposed to any great hazard." These truly crafty and 
politic arguments, it was said, were upon the point of pre- 
vailing on the Narragansetts ; and had these, with the Mo- 
hegans, at this time nearly allied to the Pequots, joined 
against us, they might then, in the infant state of these 
colonies, easily have accomplished their desperate design. 

But God defeated the good counsel (on his part) of this 
heathen Ahithophel, — for the Narragansetts were more 
afraid of the Pequots, it is likely, than of the English ; and 
at the same time an agency from the Massachusetts colony 
confirmed the friendship of the Narragansetts with the Eng- 
lish, and made them refuse to join in confederacy with the 
Pequots. Notwithstanding, the Pequots pushed on in their 
purpose, and accordingly proceeded to acts of hostility with 
the English. 

In the year 1632, one Captain Stone arrived in the Mas- 
sachusetts in a ship from Virginia, who designed thither 
again in a short time ; but having some business at a Dutch 
trading-house up in Connecticut river, sailed thither in a 
barque, and when he had got up about two leagues above 
the mouth of the river, his vessel ran aground, the water 
being very low, and being late in the day, at which time 
several Indians came on board, either Pequots or some of 
their accomplices, is uncertain. Captain Stone, meeting 
with this unexpected hindrance in his way, sent two of his 
men, with two Indians as pilots, to the Dutch trading-house ; 
but night coming on before they reached their port, they 
ran their skiff, in which they were, ashore, and in the night, 
when the Englishmen were asleep, their Indian guides mur- 
dered them both. • 

There remained at this time with Captain Stone in his 
barque about twelve of the Indians, who took the opportu- 
nity when Captain Stone was asleep, and killed him and 
all his remaining company, being eight in number, and sunk 
the barque. This first beginning of heathen tragedies was 
acted in the year 1634, and in the year 1635, the Indians 
at Block Island (though under Ninicraft's jurisdiction, the 
sachem of the Narragansett country, before mentioned), 
killed Captain Oldham, with all his company, how many is 

Indian and French Wars. 159 

uncertain. He went thither on a friendly trading voyage 
with the natives there ; but, as it was said, they fell into an 
unhappy quarrel, which issued in the above-said slaughter. 
About this time the Indians on Long Island killed two men 
that were cast away there in a storm. In this interim there 
were but about 250 men in Connecticut, exclusive of 20 
men sent down under the command of Captain Mason, 
before-mentioned, to defend the Port at Saybrook, also be- 
fore noted, which had been erected by some lords and gen- 
tlemen in England, under the command of Lieutenant Lyon 

In 1636 and following winter and March, at Wethersfield 
on Connecticut river, the Indians killed six and took seven 
more. Those they took they tortured to death in a cruel 
and barbarous manner. April 23, 1637, they killed nine 
more, and took two young women captive. 

Under these repeated outrages and slaughters committed 
on the English by the Pequots, with some farther in the 
country confederating with them, as was concluded, the In- 
dians in a combination having murdered about thirty of our 
people in Connecticut, carried a threatening aspect on them 
in their beginnings. And being but few in number, as before 
is noted, and their enemies so numerous not only round about 
them, but the most warlike, fierce and cruel, — the first fo- 
menters of this mischief, the Pequots, seated in the bowels, 
as it were, of this newly-begun colony, — put the people 
under some discouragements. However, finding it necessary 
that some measures should be come into, if possible, to repel 
the force of these savages, and secure themselves from their 

Accordingly a Court was called at Hartford, May 1, 1637, 
being Monday, and it was then concluded to send 90 men 
of the colony, under the command of Captain John Mason, 
before spoken of. This Captain Mason, after Major of all 
the Connecticut forces, and afterwards, by a successive 
yearly choice, Deputy Governor of the colony of Connecticut 
until, the infirmities of old age prevailing on him, declined 
serving any longer in any public post. He died highly es- 
teemed and much lamented in the 73d year of his age. He 
was trained up in the Netherland war, according to Mr. 
Prince's remark, under Sir Thomas Fairfax. When the 
struggle arose between King Charles I. and the Parliament, 

160 Niks' s History of the 

about the royal powers and national liberties in England, 
that famous general had such an esteem for his conduct and 
bravery, that he wrote over to him to come and assist him. 
But he declined it, choosing rather to continue in the coun- 
try, and assist in completing the settlement of the new 
colony in which he had begun, and suppress the infidels ; 
in which God made him wonderfully instrumental, as after 
will appear. 

Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, about this time, or perhaps 
not long before, had revolted from the Pequots, though by 
his father and mother he derived from the royal blood of the 
Pequots, and had married the daughter of Tatobam, their 
late sachem. Notwithstanding, having gained a particular 
acquaintance with Captain Mason, he fell in with the Eng- 
lish, and was very active by assisting in taking the Fort, 
and also in subduing and driving out of the country the 
greater part of that fierce and dangerous nation. Thus 
God, in his care and protection, brought forth help for his 
people even out of the bowels of their enemies, and saved 
their lives when their hopes were brought low and into a 
gloomy, staggering state. Thus God is wont to appear in 
the moment of difficulty for all that trust in him. 

But to return. The Court at Connecticut, as was noted, 
having determined to send out a force against their malicious 
neighbors the Pequots, the men were raised and embarked, 
consisting of 90 men. Their fleet (such as it was) consisted 
of one pink, one pinnace, and one shallop. Uncas, the 
Mohegan sachem, joined them. This was in the beginning 
of May, 1 637. But in sailing down Connecticut river, the 
water being very low, they ran aground several times, which 
the Indians were not acquainted with in their light flat- 
bottomed canoes, grew impatient of delays, therefore desired 
to be set on shore, promising to meet them by land at Say- 
brook, which they accordingly did ; but in their way fell in 
with about 30 or 40 of the enemy, near Saybrook, and kill- 
ed 7 of them, therein proving their fidelity to the English; 
and there re-embarked and set sail from the mouth of Con- 
necticut river for the Pequot river, then called, where their 
instructions were to land ; at the mouth of which river New 
London now stands. 

But when they came near to the place of their intended 
landing, they fell under great discouragements and dilemma 

Indian and French Wars. 161 

of foreseen evil consequences. For, on the one hand, if 
they did not land there, they should break their orders and 
act contrary to the instructions they were under, which they 
could not answer ; and on the other hand, if they landed 
there, they should inevitably throw themselves into the 
mouths of the enemy, as they were upon a constant look-out 
and had two forts not far distant from thence, and where 
the body of these Pequots resided. (The ruins of one of 
these forts, and also that of Ninicraft's, in the Narragansett 
country, I have seen ; that particularly of the Pequots, which 
was destroyed, which I am now hastening to.) Upon the 
difficulty above noted, the officers, (which we may be sure 
were but few) some of the company, were for landing at 
Narragansett Bay, as it was called, a bay lying between the 
main land and Canonicut Island. Others objected, for the 
reasons before cited. However, they finally agreed to leave 
the decision of the case to Mr. Stone, the worthy colleague 
with Mr. Hooker in the church at Hartford, who was then 
their chaplain. Of this mutual conclusion they acquainted 
Mr. Stone in the evening ; and doubtless this eminent man 
of God, as he was justly esteemed, made his fervent prayers 
at the throne of grace, for direction in this arduous affair. 
In the morning he told them, he apprehended it most advis- 
able to land at the Narragansett Bay. Accordingly they 
steered their course thither, and there landed without any 
opposition. This bay was the utmost boundary of Nini- 
craft's dominions in the east. The place of their landing was 
about forty-three miles from the nearest Pequot fort, which 
they purposed first to attack, and did so. It should have 
been noted before, that Captain John Underhill, being at 
Saybrook Fort, joined Captain Mason with 19 men ; for these 
they sent back 20 men to Connecticut. It may also be 
noted here, that the two young women spoken of before, 
taken captive, were set at liberty by means of the Dutch, 
which was a very kind office in them. ; 

There was a petty sachem, not far from the place where 
they landed, to whom Captain Mason applied, desiring the 
liberty of free passing through his country, which he readily 
consented to; the Captain also acquainted him with the 
expedition he was upon. This also he liked well, but 
thought they had not a number sufficient to engage such a 
powerful and numerous people as the Pequots were. 

162 Niks' s History of the 

It may not be amiss here to observe, that some time before 
this I am now speaking of, the murder, before related, com- 
mitted on Captain Oldham and company by the Indians on 
Block Island, reached the Massachusetts; upon which the 
Court there sent 120 men, under the command of Captain 
John Endicott in chief, with Captain Underhill, before named, 
and Captain Turner. They were directed to search into 
the reasons of the murder of Captain Oldham and his com- 
pany. Of their proceedings at Block Island with the Indians 
there we have no particular account.* They were also order- 
ed to treat with the Pequots, and know the reason of their kill- 
ing Captain Stone and others on Connecticut river. They 
accordingly arrived at the Pequot country, and had some 
conference with the Indians on these affairs. But their 
answers, as well as carriage, gave our men no satisfaction, 
but rather disgusted them to that degree, that they killed 
an Indian and burnt some of their wigwams, or houses, and 
then drew, off; which enraged the Pequots against the Eng- 
lish so, that they fell with violence on them, and killed 
divers at Saybrook and elsewhere ; for which reason Cap- 
tain Mason was sent down to Saybrook Fort, as before is 
noted. The number of those slain at Saybrook we have no 
particular account. 

To return to Captain Mason and his troops. They com- 
ing to Narragansett Bay, (it was on Saturday in the after- 
noon) there they kept Sabbath. Monday and Tuesday the 
wind blowing hard, prevented their landing till Wednesday. 
Soon after their landing, Captain Mason visited the sachem, 
as before is related, and then proceeded on his march towards 
the Pequot country ; and after travelling about eighteen or 
twenty miles, they came accordingly to a place where 
another petty sachem lived in a fort. The Captain, in his 
account of this march, calls the place Nayantick, and says, 
" it was a frontier of the Pequots ; and then travelling twelve 
miles further, they came to Pawcatuck." The Captain not 
being acquainted with the country, might mistake; for Nay- 
hantick, or Nahantick, lies several miles westward of the 
Pequot fort that they aimed to destroy, and Pawcatuck river, 
now the boundary between Rhode Island and Connecticut 
governments, is about ten or twelve miles east of the Pequot 

[* The Author had probably never seen Underbill's account of the expedition to 
Block Island. See page 5 01 this volume. Publishing Committee.] 

Indian and French Warn. 163 

fort, and also the eastern bounds of Sassacus, the then Pequot 
sachem's territories ; and it must evidently be a mistake, as 
to the name Nayantick, and its being in the territory of the 
Narragansett sachem, by many of his men coming and offer- 
ing to assist him, as by his relation they did in the morning. 
However, let that matter be as it will, at that fort they 
stayed that night. The Indians belonging to the fort car- 
ried very proudly towards them, and would not suffer any 
of Captain Mason's men to enter into the fort. Upon this 
behavior of theirs the Captain set a strong guard round the 
fort, with orders that not one of the Indians should stir out 
on the peril of their lives ; fearing likewise lest tidings should 
be carried to the Pequots of their approach. Thus they 
continued that night ; in the morning there came a number 
of the Narragansetts and joined them, as before noted. 

Our forces in the morning pursued their route toward 
Pequot, with about 500 Indians. Surely it must be under 
the special hand of Divine Providence, that no tidings of all 
this came to the Pequots, nor to the moment of their assault- 
ing the fort, as we shall hear. They soon got over the 
ford, or wading-place, at Pawcatuck river, where now there 
is a large bridge, which brought them into the Pequots' ter- 
ritories, wherein they marched near eight or ten miles even 
in the enemy's country, and still undiscovered. About this 
time, in their march they came to a place where Indian corn 
had been planted. Supposing thereby that the fort was not 
far off, they came to a stand, and the Captain ordered the 
Indians to be called up who were now in the rear, who had 
all along before led the van. This the English supposed 
was owing to their fear of the Pequots. However, Uncas, 
the Mohegan sachem, and one named Wequash, came up. 
It was demanded of them where the fort was. They, point- 
ing, said, "On that hill before them," as they were then in 
lower land. They demanded also where w r ere the rest of the 
Indians. They answered, "Behind, as they were afraid of 
the Pequots." Then the Captain ordered them to tell their 
fellows, "that they should by no means fly, but stand at 
what distance they pleased, and see whether Englishmen 
could fight or not." It was said that this Wequash that 
came up with Uncas, as before is noted, had, upon some 
disgust, deserted the Pequots and came to Captain Mason, 
and was his pilot, directing wnere the easiest passes were 

164 Niks' s History of the 

for entering into the fort. They accordingly marched up to 
the fort, having first recommended themselves and the affair 
to God for success. It would be too tedious to relate every 
particular circumstance in this undertaking ; it may there- 
fore be sufficient to acquaint my reader that this Wequash, 
before named, being perfectly acquainted with the then state 
and situation of the fort, having so lately deserted from 
them, viz. the Pequots, directed the Captain to the easiest 
and safest parts of access and entrance into it. Here we 
have a further instance of the directing and overruling hand 
of divine sovereignty, in fetching one out of the fortress of 
the enemy to lead his people to enter into and possess it. 

Accordingly, early in the morning Captain Mason roused up 
his men, both English and the Jndians with him, far greater 
in number than the former; having also commended them- 
selves and the affair they were on, to God, as apprehending 
it a very dangerous attempt, marched forward with all pos- 
sible despatch, dividing their small force into two columns. 
Captain Mason with his followers advanced to the northeast 
entrance, and Captain Underhill to the southwest, answer- 
able to the descriptions Wequash had given them, and with 
the utmost secrecy, as the Indians in the fort were in a pro- 
found sleep, and their watch also, until Captain Mason came 
within a rod of the walls, when a dog barked in the fort, at 
which the watch awoke and cried out, " Owannux ! Owan- 
nux!" i. e. Englishmen! Englishmen! However, Captain 
Mason immediately entered the fort, and called on his men 
to follow with all expedition, and Captain Underhill soon 
after entered on the other side. By this time the Indians, 
many of them, were awakened, but in much confusion, we 
may conceive. Captain Mason, seeing no Indians, entered 
into a wigwam, where were several of them, who seemed to 
wait an opportunity to lay hands on him ; but were not per- 
mitted. About sixteen of his men soon followed him. The 
Captain, going out of the wigwam, saw a number of Indians 
in their lane or street. He making towards them, they fled, 
but were pursued to the end of the lane, between their 
wigwams, where they were met by Edward Pattison and 
Thomas Barber, who, as they said, killed seven of them. 
The Indians fled, some endeavoring to hide themselves 
under their beds and other ways. In this time, as the 
Captain was walking, and coming near the place where he 

Indian and French Wars. 165 

first entered, he espied two of his soldiers standing without 
the palisadoes with their swords' points on the ground. The 
Captain with a reprimand told them that they should never 
kill the enemy after that manner ; and withal said, " We 
must burn them." Immediately stepping into a wigwam, 
he brought out a brand of fire, and thrust it into the mats 
which were the coverings of their houses. Others also, 
being industriously active in like manner, the wind suiting 
their design, their dwellings one after another, being com- 
pact, soon took fire, so that the flames and smoke soon 
became so violent that our people were constrained to quit 
the fort, which, as it was said, was not long after Captain 
Underhill and his party had entered into it. The reason of 
which was, Captain Underhill met with some obstructions 
at the southwest entrance, which occasioned a delay. At 
length a valiant and resolute gentleman, one Mr. Hedge, 
stepping toward the gate, saying, "If we may not enter, 
wherefore came we here ?" and immediately endeavored to 
enter, but was opposed by a sturdy Indian fellow. But the 
Indian being slain by himself and Sergeant Davis, he enter- 
ed; but the smoke and flames, as before is noted, constrained 
them to retire. 

Thus these Indians, that had lorded and tyrannized over 
their neighbor tribes of Indians, and plotted the utter 
destruction of the English, were driven, those that surviv- 
ed, into the greatest consternation, as though they had been 
void of reason, for now the mischief they purposed and 
had so violently pursued, God had turned upon their own 
heads ; and as it were in an hour, or perhaps not above two, 
they and the whole pride of their power was destroyed, 
and their fort made desolate, where doubtless many cruelties 
were committed. It was concluded that 700 were killed in 
this action, either by force of the English arms, or that 
perished in the flames of their houses, and 300, according 
to the account of the Indians, that died of their wounds 
afterwards. The English had but two men killed in this 
surprising conflict and victorious event, which will remain 
as a standing monument of glory to God, in the annals of 
New-England, and renown annexed to the names and me- 
mory of the actors, especially Captain Mason, commander 
in this truly admirable expedition. There were about 20 
of our men wounded ; but, by al 1 I can now find, they recov- 

166 * Niks' s History of the 

ered. It might have been remarked, that when the flames 
of the wigwams prevailed, these miserable savages were 
struck with such consternation and amazement, that, as a 
terror, from on high had /alien on them, some climbed to 
the top of the palisadoes, others running into the flames as 
though they aimed to extinguish it, and there instantly 
perished. About 40 stout fellows rushed out, who fell by 
the sword. When they had thus prevailed, orders were 
given by the commander to withdraw to the outside of the 
fort, and surround it, that none might escape ; which was 
immediately obeyed. But one Arthur Smith was so badly 
wounded that he could not move out of the place where 
he lay, and must there have perished, had not Lieutenant 
Bull by accident espied him, and got him out of the fort. 
" Thus did God judge among the heathen, filling their place 
with dead bodies." 

All this while and whole time of action, the Indians, even 
the whole body of Captain Mason's auxiliaries, remained at 
a distance from the fort, but only as spectators to see the 
issue and how the game would go, laboring in their perplex- 
ed minds between hope and fear, as they all wanted to take 
revenge on the Pequots for their usurpations and tyranny 
over them, which they of themselves were never able to 
effect ; therefore hoped for success on the part of the Eng- 
lish, that by them they might have their revengeful desires 
gratified. On the other hand it may be concluded, they 
were struggling under a flow of panic fears, well knowing 
that if the English were defeated, with whom they had now 
taken part, they should all soon be destroyed. Nor did 
they, as we learn, any other service in the action, as they 
were at a distance from the fort, more than to seize those 
that escaped out of it, and deliver them up to the English. 

The Pequots had another fort, more southward, where 
Sassacus, their grand sagamore, or sachem, had his usual 
residence ; and when our men were drawn off",, in their 
march, about a quarter of a mile, there came , running up 
from the other fort about 300 Indians, or more, as they con- 
ceived ; and when they came to see the destruction made on 
the fort, they stamped, and tore their hair, and then with 
the utmost fury followed our army, pelting them with their 
arrows, — who were now reduced to a very small number, 
by reason of some being wounded. These they prevailed 

Indian and French Wars. 167 

with the Indians in their company to carry ; others fainted 
under the fatigue of their march and in destroying the fort, 
in which they had in a manner exhausted their powers, and 
rendered scarce able to travel, and their provision near 
spent. So that they had but 20 men left, able to face about 
and stand, the force of their furious arrows, flying like hail 
against them. Yet it pleased God to protect them, or so 
direct them in their flight, as to prevent the mischief intend- 
ed by the enemy, and wonderfully working deliverance for 
them in this, as foregoing instances. There were indeed 
but 20 men, as was said, who are to be understood exclusive 
of the parties of the Mohegan and Narragansett tribes of 
Indians, their allies, that joined and continued with them in 
the whole of this memorable expedition. 

The Indians continued following, in the manner above 
related, until they came on a high hill which overlooked the 
Pequot river, as then called, now New London harbor ; 
where, to their great joy and satisfaction, they saw their 
vessels they had left at Narragansett Bay, riding at anchor. 
Upon this discovery, which the enemy also might probably 
make at the same time, they gathered together, and returned 
to their remaining fort, with such fury and rage against Sas- 
sacus, their chief sachem, threatening to kill him and all that 
belonged to him, alleging that he had been the only instru- 
ment of bringing all this calamity upon them ; which doubt- 
less in their madness they would soon have effected, had not 
his counsellors interposed and prevented it, that his life was 

Upon Captain Mason's return, with his men and the par- 
ties of the Mohegan and Narragansett Indians, their assist- 
ants, on board their vessels, there were mighty rejoicings, 
' with thankful praises to God for the many smiles of heaven 
on them in the .adventure, and finally in crowning their 
endeavors with victorious success, and with the loss of but 
two men. 

It was said, that in this expedition the whole army, though 
truly very small, consisting only of 90 men besides their 
allied Indians, had but one pint of spirituous liquor, as they 
termed it. We may suppose it to be rum, which then, 
through the scarcity of it, was not known by that name ; but 
now, to the shame and wound of the country, in its wonder- 
ful flow, we are brought, to our cost, to know not only the 

168 Niks' s History of the 

name and nature, but also its destructive effects on multi- 
tudes among us, not only in times past, but even unto this 
day. But to return. It was remarkable, that in our men's 
retreat, and the Indians from their fort following them, as 
was noted, with the violence of their bows and arrows, none 
of our people were hurt. But when a shot was- made on 
the enemy, and any of them were seen to fall, our Indians 
would make a great shout, and then take so much courage 
as to run and cut off their heads, and bring them to the 
English with triumph. 

The Pequots had some notice, it seems, of the armament 
the English were at that time raising against them ; and 
seeing the fleet off against their borders, they expected them 
to land, as the Indians after reported, therefore kept a strict 
guard and look-out upon their seacoast ; but seeing no more 
of them, concluded they were afraid and durst not encounter 
them. Under this pleasing notion, after they had waited 
the time of our force's landing and travels from the Narra- 
gansett Bay, the evening before Captain Mason made the 
attack, there came from the other fort 150 men of their 
company to this fort, in triumph, and boasting that the 
English were returned, therefore now they had nothing to 
fear from that quarter ; and thereupon set to singing and 
dancing, which our people heard, where they were encamp- 
ed the night before, — in which revel they continued until 
midnight or past, to that degree that they soon fell into that 
profound sleep, before noted, wherein so many slept their 
sleep outright, and " the stout-hearted were spoiled, and 
none of the men of might have found their hands. For when 
they shall say, Peace and safety, then sudden destruction 
cometh upon them, as travail upon a woman with child; and 
they shall not escape. " Our men took but seven prisoners; 
and but about seven of the whole number ^hat were then in 
the fort escaped, — so great and memorable was the victory. 

When they came to their vessels, Captain Patrick was 
there, with 40. men, sent from the Massachusetts, to treat 
with the Indians on Block Island on the murder of Captain 
Oldham, as they said. However, we have no account of this, 
or their proceedings, or that mentioned before under the 
command of Captain Endicott* 

[* An account of Endicott's expedition to Block Island and the Pequot territory is 
contained in Underhill's Narrative, pp. 4 — 11 of this volume. Pub. Com.] 

Indian and French Wars. 169 

Having been made thus successful, in providence, to the 
destruction of so many of the Pequots, with their strong- 
hold, they conclude to pursue their victories, and complete 
the destruction of the Pequots, if possible. In order thereto, 
they take care to send back the Narragansett party of Indians, 
that had assisted them thus far, in one of their vessels. 
Otherwise they must have travelled near twenty miles 
through their enemy's country, and be exposed to their 

This done, they immediately follow the scheme before 
laid, which was for the vessels to steer their course to 
Quinnepaeg, or Quinnepauge rather, now New Haven, and 
their forces to march by land, and there to meet. 

This resolution being drawn, Captain Patrick proposes 
to accompany them with a part of his men, all that could be 
spared out of their vessel. Captain Mason did not incline 
to have his company with him; yet he would go, " although 
in truth we did not desire or delight in it, and so we plainly 
told him. However, he would, and did march along with 
us." Thus Captain Mason relates it. This treatment of 
the Captain's might proceed partly from a sharp contest that 
arose between Captain Patrick and Captain Underhill at the 
place where their vessels were riding at anchor, and where 
they first met ; in which controversy Captain Mason con- 
cluded Captain Patrick very much in the wrong, to deny 
Captain Underhill the liberty of his own vessel to carry their 
wounded men aboard, when Captain Patrick had had the 
privilege of coming on shore with his men in it; which Cap- 
tain Mason and his men looked upon as very unreasonable 
on Captain Patrick's part, and is so represented in Captain 
Mason's Narrative. Or the slight put on Captain Patrick's 
company, with his men and their assistance might, perhaps, 
be with this view, that as the Connecticut forces, though 
small, had been thus remarkably successful in subduing such 
a strong party of the Pequots, they chose rather to complete 
the conquest, and confine the glory and triumph of this vic- 
tory within their own weak, newly-erected colony. 

However, Captain Patrick with his party were very ser- 
viceable, in this instance, among others (if my intended 
brevity would allow a longer narrative). In the march of 
this army, they discovered a party of the enemy ; but they, 
seeing the English, fled to shelter themselves in a swamp 

170 Niks' s History of the 

not far distant. They advancing forward in order to sur- 
round the swamp, and coming to a hill, observed some 
wigwams on the other side, and attempted to go thither, by 
Sergeant Palmer and about 12 men under his command, and 
surround the smaller part of the swamp, which was divided 
almost into two parts, and also prevent the Indians' flight. 
Ensign Davenport (who after was made Captain of the Cas- 
tle at Boston), he with Sergeant Jeffries entered the swamp, 
intending to go to the wigwams, but were set upon by some 
Indians, with whom they had a small skirmish. Two of 
their men were wounded, but the damage the Indians sus- 
tained was not known. After some disputes passing in our 
army what method was best to come into to prevent the 
enemy's escape, — some were for cutting down the swamp, 
others for hedging it round ; others represented it as too hard 
a task, being unwilling to destroy the women and children, 
and what Indians might be belonging to that place, if any 
such there were. At length Captain Mason gave orders to 
cut through the swamp in the narrowest place, which would 
bring the body of their army into a narrower compass, and 
more likely to prevent the enemy's escape ; which was soon 
performed by Sergeant Davis and his assistants. Mr. Tho- 
mas Stanton, one that was well acquainted with the Indian 
language and manners, offered his service to go into the 
swamp and treat with them ; which at first they were very 
unwilling to consent to, looking on it as exceeding hazard- 
ous and dangerous for him ; but through his great importu- 
nity, they at length gave him leave. He accordingly went 
vin and treated with them in their own language, and soon 
brought out 200 old men, women and children, who deliv- 
ered themselves to the mercy of the English. 

The night coming on, they used the utmost care to secure 
them, by keeping a strict watch and guard round the swamp. 
The Indians that were still remaining in it, about half an 
hour before day, attempted to break through Captain Pa- 
trick's quarters, who were bravely repulsed and driven 
back several times. After several attempts, wherein they 
were driven back by the shot of our men, about 60 or 70 
stout fellows broke through and escaped. The captives 
they took were about 180. 

Before this, there were sent from the Massachusetts about 
120 men, under the command of Captain Israel Stoughton> 

Indian and French Wars. Ill 

to assist the Connecticut forces in carrying on the war 
against the Pequots, who were joined with them in this im- 
mediate foregoing narrative, and helped them mightily in 
their following pursuits of the Pequots, until they had 
totally destroyed, or dispersed and scattered them. The 
enemy that were left being all escaped, as will after appear, 
they became a prey to all the other Indians. Some few 
stragglers of them were seized by the Mohawks and others 
of the Indians, and by them given to the Massachusetts 

Soon after the destruction of the Pequot fort, as has been 
related, or Mystick Fight, as it was called, it not being far 
from a little river and small inlet of the sea bearing that 
name, the remaining Pequots, who were yet very numerous, 
found it would be dangerous staying in their own country, 
resolved to disperse and scatter into some distant parts. 
Some therefore took their flight towards the Manhatoes or 
Manadoes, so called, where some Dutch people had settled 
themselves, before the settlement of these New-English 
colonies, now New York. Of this number it is very proba- 
ble those just above-mentioned were a part, who w T ere bend- 
ing their course westward, and overtaken by our troops. 
Others fled to the Maquas, so called, (I suppose the Mo- 
hawks), and others of them elsewhere toother tribes of the 
Indians at a distance, for shelter, who thereby had not felt 
the force of the Pequots' arms. A party of these Pequots, 
passing over Connecticut river in flight, found three English- 
men in a shallop going down \o Saybrook, whom they kill- 
ed. Some of the party after were taken, and confessed the 
Englishmen fought very smartly before they were killed, 
and wounded several of them. 

The Massachusetts troops being, as was said, with those 
of Connecticut, pursued, took and destroyed these Pequots 
to that degree, that, together with those slain at first by 
Captain Mason at the taking of the fort and in their after 
pursuits, they killed, as was said, twelve of the Pequots' 
petty sachems and chief captains. But Sassacus, their grand 
sachem, 'had escaped to the Maquas, whose head was not 
long after brought to the English as a present, by the means 
of Ninicraft, the Narragansett sachem, who by his men, as 
is noted before, assisted Captain Mason in taking and de- 
stroying the Pequot fort. This act of friendship doubtless 

172 . Niks' s History of the 

was done to ingratiate himself the more with the English ; 
which brings to mind a passage I met with from Captain 
James Babcock, late of Westerdly, in Rhode Island govern- 
ment, not many miles distant from Ninicraft's fort, a gentle- 
man of known fidelity and uncommon generosity; and living 
near those Indians was well acquainted with them and their 
manners. As we were together viewing the remains of 
Ninicraft's fort, he told me that, in the time of Philip's war, 
as it was called, in Plymouth and the Massachusetts, Nini- 
craft was informed, three of his men were privately with- 
drawn, and had joined in that war against the English. 
Upon their return, he cut off their feet at their ancles, and 
then bid them run away to the war, if they could. In that 
condition they crawled about until they died. This he said 
the Indians there had told him. 

It was very remarkable, in the providence of God, there 
should be in the fort that Captain Mason destroyed, 150 
men that came up from the other fort but the evening before, 
to unite with those in this fort, with a strong resolution to 
pursue and destroy all the English, if possible. But their 
purposed mischief in the evening, was turned upon their own 
head early the next morning ; and with very weak means, 
there being but 77 men that performed this marvellous and 
very memorable exploit. 

It is also worthy of memorable remark, that Wequash, 
before mentioned, that Avas a captain among the Pequots, 
should, but a little time before, revolt from them to the 
Mohegan Indians, that had all along, from the beginning, 
approved themselves special friends to the English, and to 
be made Captain Mason's guide to the easiest places of 
access into the fort ; which rendered their conquest the 
more speedy, and with but little loss. And that which adds 
a special lustre to this instance is, that this Wequash was 
hopefully converted to the Christian faith, and became after- 
wards an excellent preacher among the Indians for a consi- 
derable time, and probably was made the proto-martyr for 
the religion of Jesus Christ in this North American land ; 
for the time or manner of his death was never known ; and 
as he was a special friend to the English, and a strict 
professor of the same religion with them, it was therefore 
strongly suspected that some of the Indians had privately 
murdered him, and concealed the murder. 

Indian and French Wars. 173 

To return to our troops in their pursuits of the Pequots, — 
who continued for some time ranging the country until they 
destroyed many of them, and the rest were so scattered and 
dispersed, that they concluded it fruitless any longer to 
follow them ; and therefore returned home. And now, as 
before was hinted, the Pequots became a prey to the other 
Indians. Happy were they that could bring in their heads 
to the English, of which were brought in almost daily to 
Windsor and Hartford. Those that remained of the Pequots, 
finding themselves reduced to such an amazing condition, 
that which way soever they turned their eyes with an 
attempt to escape, they saw nothing but destruction and 
death before them, therefore sent in some of their chiefs that 
were surviving to mediate for them with the English, offer- 
ing to be their servants, and to be disposed of as they pleas- 
ed, if they might have their lives spared ; which was readily 
granted them. Whereupon the Mohegan and Narragansett 
sachems were sent for, who, with the Pequots, met at Hart- 
ford. The Pequots being demanded how many of them were 
yet living, answered, About 180 or 200. There was then 
given to Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, 80, and to Mian- 
tinomo, who might probably be an ancient sagamore of the 
Narragansetts, 80, and to Ninicraft, likely his son,* 20 ; 
when he made satisfaction to Edward Pomroy for his mare, 
killed by his men. They then bound the Pequots in a cove- 
nant that none of them should any more inhabit their na- 
tive country, nor be called Pequots any more, but Mohegans 
and Narragansetts for ever. This seems to carry something 
like a prophetic stamp in it, for the name of a Pequot, or 
Pequots, is long since wholly extinct ; whereas the Mohegan 
and Narragansett tribes of Indians, who were seated on each 
side of the Pequots, and were from the beginning friends to 
the English, remain in considerable bodies of people, in their 
primitive territories, to this day. 

I have purposely omitted many particulars in this Narra- 
tive of the Pequot War, partly for want of leisure, as also 
not to trouble my reader with a long and unnecessary detail 

[* The author has fallen into some errors here. Ninicraft. or Ninegret, as he is 
sometimes called, was not the son of Miantinomo, but either his cousin, as Drake 
says in his Book of the Indians, or his uncle, as Prince states in his Annals. Mian- 
tinomo was the head sachem of the Narragansetts, and Ninicraft was the sachem of 
the Nyanticks, an integral part of the same formidable tribe. Pub. Com.] 

174 Niks' s History of the 

of smaller occurrences, though many of them worthy of 
notice, concurring in this grand and ever-to-be-applauded 
conquest; which, by the manifest overruling hand of God 
in the several steps come into and pursued so successfully 
in this affair, that with 77 men, which were the whole body 
of the English that destroyed such a strong-hold of the 
enemy in a very short time, and, as was said, near or full 
1000 of the natives in it — and by it making way for the 
quiet and peaceable settlement and enlargement of Connec- 
ticut colony, then but newly begun. 

It was, among many other things, remarkable, in this 
undertaking at the fort, two young men, — one John Dyer, 
the other Thomas Stiles, — had each of them an arrow stuck 
into the knots of their handkerchiefs about their necks, with- 
out any hurt. Another had an arrow stuck in his eyebrow^, 
with the point turned downward, probably by meeting the 
bone, which Captain Mason, as he says, pulled out. Lieu- 
tenant Bull had an arrow stuck into a piece of hard cheese 
he had in his pocket. Time would fail to enumerate the 
many instances of the Divine direction, manuduction, suc- 
cesses and salvations granted to this small handful of men in 
this conflict and enterprise,— and the instances above given 
prove the omnipotency of our God, who rules the whole 
universe in highest perfection of wisdom, and without con- 
trol brings about his decreed, purposes, in the preservation 
of his own people, and in the subversion and destruction of 
his and their enemies; who, as here is manifestly proved, 
" can save by few, as well as by many.'' Upon the whole, 
it may be said without hyperbole, " God was with them of 
a very truth/ ' 

The manner of the Indians here, before the English came, 
and some time after, was to bring the heads of their victims 
in triumph in their return from some victorious conquests, 
as then they had no notion of scalping those they conquered. 
Nor would it, perhaps, have been put in practice, had not 
the French instructed the Indians in their interest in this 
method of scalping. This reminds me of an account we had 
of a notable old scalper among them. The French, for this 
reason we may conclude, carried him to France, and intro- 
duced him into the King's presence; to whom he declared, 
he had, with his own hand, killed and scalped 100 (if I re- 
member right) of the English. If so, we may readily con- 

Indian and French Wars. , 175 

elude him worthy, in their esteem, of some high place 
among the canonized in the church of Rome, that had 
performed so many meritorious acts as to destroy such a 
number of vile heretics. 

The many marvellous manifestations of God's pre- 
sence and remarkable protections vouchsafed to the poor 
fugitives from their native land, to make settlements of 
English inhabitants and churches in this remote and distant 
part of the world from our mother country, ought to be 
handed down to the latest posterity. Whose zeal for the true 
Gospel religion, their faith and patience under great trials, 
to be exemplified more and more, and not only to maintain 
a thankful remembrance of the grace of God therein, but 
also an honorable and lasting regard to the memory of such 
as God made his special instruments, at the first, to still the 
rageful disposition of the heathen, among whom God sent 
our forefathers to dwell. Those I principally intend' here, 
was, firstly, that excellent commander, Captain Miles Stan- 
dish, of whose worthy and memorable actions I cannot avoid 
repeatedly to mention, who by his exemplary great wisdom 
and singular good conduct and behavior towards the Indians, 
was such (as from an extraordinary influence from heaven) 
that he drew them into a wonderfully kind and amicable 
friendship with the English, in the whole spread of their 
tribes from Mount Hope, then so called, now Bristol, to the 
Massachusetts, and Plymouth, even to Cape Cod and Mar- 
tha's Vineyard ; which peace continued firmly established, 
in all parts of the country, for more than (as I hear) fifty 
years, and until King Philip, as he was called, the sachem of 
Mount Hope, raised a war with the English in the parts of 
Plymouth and the Massachusetts ; of whose perfidious pro- 
ceedings we shall soon find the sorrowful effects in the run 
of this history. 

The other renowned commander I aim at, was the victo- 
rious Captain John Mason, of whose heroic conquests we 
have just been speaking. Though he was bred to arms, as 
before is remarked, yet he did not equip himself with arms 
and the weapons of war, till it was absolutely necessary to 
stand up against the enemy, and in the defence of a small 
people then in their beginnings ; who otherwise, according 
to all rational probability, must quickly have been entirely 
cut off. So as God made Captain Standish, who was distin- 

176 Niks's History of the 

guished in the hand of God's overruling providence in the 
east, for the quieting the heathen there, — Captain Mason 
was not less distinguished in quieting them in the west, as 
we have heard, though in a different manner. 

I have the rather, and indeed longer insisted on the topic 
relating to these honorable first commanders in the, country, 
with an intent that their memories may be impressed upon 
the minds of posterity with a grateful sense of the mercy of 
God shining illustriously in them ; and their names and 
deeds, though they themselves are long since dead, yet they 
live in the memory of ages yet to come, and with embel- 
lished figures in the annals of New-England. 

I have nothing further to add on this Pequot war ; and 
shall only observe here, that after the war was ended, Major 
Mason was made Major-General by the Court over all the 
forces in Connecticut colony, and continued so till his death, 
in the 73d year of his age. And I find the late Rev. Mr. 
Prince, that excellent divine and elegant historian, in his 
Introduction to Captain Mason's History of this Pequot 
War, observing, that the Rev. Mr. Hooker, of Hartford, 
being desired by the Court and in their name, to deliver the 
staff into his hand, says thus, " We may imagine he did it 
with that superior piety, spirit and majesty, which were 
peculiar to him ; like an ancient prophet, addressing himself 
to the military officer, delivering to him the principal ensign 
of martial power, to lead the armies and fight the battles of 
the Lord and of his people." 

After this Pequot war was thus happily concluded, as we 
have heard, the country had peace about forty years, 
though in this time some murders were committed by the 
Indians in a private manner. The English inhabitants in 
this time also greatly increased, partly by those of their own 
issue in the country, together with such as were transported 
hither about this time, for the sake of enjoying the, Gospel in 
its purity, and ordinances thereof with freedom and peace 
of conscience, without ritual impositions. These, with 
many others, greatly peopled the land. In this time also 
came into the country many excellent ministers, by which 
means destitute churches, and others newly embodied, were 
supplied, we may boldly conclude, with pastors after God's 
own heart, faithful in their trust and charge of souls, true 

Indian and French Wars. Ill 

ministers of Jesus Christ, free from the gross and danger- 
ous errors at this day lamentably prevailing (I had almost 
said) not only in churches but whole societies. May God 
Almighty appear in grace, and in his own time, to recover 
the ministry and churches in the land to that primitive piety, 
zeal, soundness in the faith, holiness in life, therein to be 
followers, not barely of our excellent ancestors here, in 
whom these, together with other gospel graces, were emi- 
nently conspicuous, but more especially to approve ourselves 
to God, both in church and state, as followers of Christ in a 
strict adherence to and belief of the fundamental doctrines 
of Christianity he has taught us in the Gospel. 

But as I have published (under my weakness of ability) 
those important points, as to me they appear, I shall add no 
more at present on this subject ; only with fervent prayer 
that the God of all grace would step in for our help, in pre- 
venting this I am speaking of in its dangerous effects, and 
all the tragical omens hanging over us with threatening 

Therefore turn back to the time of peace with the Indians, 
before noted, in which space of time some people settled 
themselves in the eastern parts of the country, without any 
gospel order or signs of religion among them. In some, 
after several families were settled there, a minister from 
some part providentially kept sabbath and preached with 
them, and among other things exhorted them to labor for 
the promotion of religion, alleging that otherwise they would 
lose the true end of their coming there. It was said, one of 
the company standing up, boldly replied, " You are greatly 
mistaken, sir ; we came not here for religion, but for the 
fishing trade, " — which doubtless discovered the minds of 
many more, if not the sentiments of the whole assembly. 

However, it pleased God, some years after, when the 
French were increased in Canada, to suffer them, with the 
Indians they had drawm into their interest in those parts, to 
destroy and drive out the English inhabitants for near, if not 
full out, seventy miles in length on the seacoast, and within 
land as far as they had made settlements. The people that 
escaped were dispersed, and fled for shelter not only to the 
nearest but many of them to far distant towns. Thus fishe- 
ry was totally destroyed, the country in that part depopu- 
lated, and made desolate for many years. 

178 Niks' s History of the 

But before what I have last related, there were several 
murders committed by the Indians in different parts and 
quarters of the country. One man killed in the year 1644, 
the place where, I am uncertain. Three killed at New Ha- 
ven in the year 1647. The same year three were killed on 
Long Island. 

Massasoit, the aged sachem at Mount Hope, now Bris- 
tol, had always manifested and approved himself a steady 
friend to the English, had two sons ; the elder was named 
Alexander, and the younger Philip. This Alexander, after his 
father's death, became very surly and ill-tempered toward 
the English people ; for which reason the Court at Plymouth, 
which was then a distinct colony from the Massachusetts, 
suspecting him to have some treacherous purposes in view, 
brought him to Plymouth and put him under confinement ; 
at which the fellow was enraged to that degree that he re- 
fused to eat, and soon starved himself to death in this miser- 
able manner. Philip being now become the next heir to 
the crown, or sagamoreship, doubtless studied some method 
of revenge on the English for his brother's death, as the 
Indians are universally disposed to revenge injuries, whether 
only apprehended or real. Therefore, some time in June, 
1674, the country was alarmed by two men being killed on 
the main land, not far from Rhode Island. By this Philip's 
War, as it was called, first began, and not long after he had 
solemnly engaged to keep and maintain peace and friend- 
ship with the English. This tragical and bloody war, 
though not of long continuance, was very furious and violent, 
as we shall find in the following sorrowful narrative. 

June 24, 1674, nine people were killed at Swanzey, as 
they were returning from a Fast. June 28, one killed near 
Mount Hope ; five killed about the same time out of a swamp, 
where the Indians had covered themselves with brush. 
July 18, before this, a man killed in the woods. Near the 
place where the man was killed, not far distant from Mount 
Hope, two men were found ; their bodies were miserably 
mangled and their heads stuck upon poles. The Indians 
above-noted, hid in the swamp, were supposed to be Nip- 
muck Indians, of another tribe that had confederated with 

The Nipmuck tribe of Indians having committed several 
acts of hostility against the English, Captain Hutchinson and 

Indian and French Wars. 179 

Captain Wheeler, went upon a treaty of peace with them, 
August 2d, unto a place where they had agreed to meet 
him, to consummate and confirm the articles they had sworn 
to about a month before. But the Indians not appearing 
according to promise, Captain Hutchinson rode too far, in 
order to discover them, for he fell into an ambuscade they 
had laid for him. They fired on him, and mortally wound- 
ed him, and killed eight more of his company on the spot, 
and then escaped. 

In this year, August 25, 1674, a party of men were sent 
out at Connecticut, under the command of Captain Robert 
Treat, who met with a considerable body of the enemy, and 
engaged them ; in which encounter he had nine men killed, 
belonging to nine several towns. September the 2d, eight 
men were killed by the Indians at a place called Squasheed. 
About this time, or perhaps some time before, two men 
were met by a party of Indians; one was killed and 
another wounded. 

In this time, as the Indians were making great havoc in 
the country, Captain Church, of whom we shall hear more 
afterwards, and Captain Fuller, went from Plymouth in quest 
of the Indians in that quarter, with but small parties of men 
under their command ; and in their march to the southern 
part of the colony fell in with a large body of Indians, who 
beset them very strongly. Captain Fuller sheltered himself 
and men in a small house near the sea-side, until a vessel 
from Rhode Island came and took them off. But Captain 
Church bravely withstood the encounter, with his men, who 
posted themselves by the sea-side under the bank ; but this 
being low and not sufficient for their defence, they piled up 
stones on the top of the bank. One of his men began to 
despair, concluding they should not be able to stand it out 
against such a numerous company, and under a mighty 
shower of whistling bullets flying over them. Captain Church 
perceiving his courage to fail, the Captain, to animate them 
in the conflict, declared (but upon what foundation is not 
easy to conceive) that not a man of them should be hurt ; 
and so it came out; for as this faint-hearted soldier was 
raising up a flat stone, to raise their barricado on the bank, 
and had partly got it up in his arms, when there came a 
bullet forcibly against the stone ; but the soldier received 
no harm. Upon which he, with the rest, renewed their 

180 Niks' s History of the 

courage, and fought like lions all the afternoon, without any 
harm, until a sloop from Rhode Island came and carried 
them off. This noble action was fought at a place then and 
still called Pocasset, both by the Indians and English. 

Philip, the sachem of Mount Hope, to make himself strong 
against the English, drew into his assistance several other 
tribes of Indians, who made great spoil in the country; and 
those that were so miserable as to fall into their hands, were 
many of them tortured to death in the crudest manner these 
bloody savages could invent, or the old serpent himself could 
readily lead them to perpetrate ; as will be found in a great 
many instances in the course of this history. 

September 2, in this year, 1674, eight men were killed 
by the Indians in the woods, at a place called Squakheag. 
Soon after this Captain Beers and a score of his men fell by 
the Indians, in his attempting to bring off the distressed 
people of Deerfield. After all their houses, save one, in 
which they gallantly defended themselves, were consumed 
to ashes, these poor people defended themselves against a 
formidable body of Indians, that violently beset them, but 
w T ere finally constrained to retreat without gratifying their 
furious bloodthirsty purposes. Thus God often appears for 
the defence of his people when all human helps fail. What 
loss the enemy sustained in this encounter is uncertain ; for 
it is the manner of the heathen universally to risk and haz- 
ard, at such times, their own lives to the last degree, if pos- 
sible to carry off and conceal their dead, of which they give 
multiplied instances. 

September the 18th, Captain Lothrop, with about 80 men, 
essaying to fetch off the corn that was threshed in Deerfield, 
was assaulted by a large body of the heathen enemy; upon 
which ensued a very bloody slaughter, in which action the 
Captain himself and sixty of his men were slain. 

Captain Mosely, hearing the report of their guns in this 
battle, hastened but with a few men to the relief of the Eng- 
lish, though too late for Captain Lothrop's help and them 
that fell with him ; yet slew 95, and more than 40 wounded 
of their part, as the Indians after confessed, with the loss 
only of two men of his own. This conflict lasted six hours. 
This Captain Mosely seemed to be a terror to the Indians. 
They distinguished him by "the man with two heads/' 
The reason of which was he wore a wig, which were not so 

Indian and French Wars. 131 

common in that day as since ; and when he came to engage 
the enemy, he was wont to hang his wig upon a bush, and 
still to wear his head upon his shoulders, and do great ex- 
ploits upon them. 

In an engagement with the Indians at Hatfield, one Eng- 
lishman slain. Some others were killed, uncertain how 
many, in their essaying to treat in a friendly manner at 
their fort. 

About this time, Springfield was beset by great numbers 
of the enemy, who fired thirty-two houses; but the people 
were rescued in their garrisons, and by the seasonable arri- 
val of Major Treat, Major Pinchon, and Captain Appleton. 

In a battle at Hatfield, one Englishman slain. 

December 12, or thereabouts, fourteen Englishmen were 
slain in Narragansett, now South Kingston, in Bull's garri- 
son there. 

Soon after this, in December 13th, if I mistake not, the 
forces from the Massachusetts, and of Plymouth and Con- 
necticut, consisting of 1500 men, under the command of 
Major-General Josiah Winslow, marched towards a fort to 
which the main body of the Indians in that part of the coun- 
try had retired for their better safety. The principal com- 
manders and captains under General Winslow, and the 
majors, were — Captain Mosely and Captain Davenport led 
the van, Captain Gardner and Captain Johnson were in the 
centre, Major Appleton and Captain Oliver brought up the 
rear of the Massachusetts forces. General Winslow with 
Plymouth forces, under Major Bradford and Captain Gorham, 
marched in the centre; and Connecticut forces, under Major 
Treat, and Captain Siely, Captain Gallop, Captain Mason, 
Captain Watts, and Captain Marshal, made the rear of the 
whole army. 

The fort the English assaulted was on an island in a great 
swamp, and the passage to it was only upon a single tree 
they had felled for that purpose, viz. the Indians. The 
English forces in their march had taken 40 Indians, among 
whom there was a fellow T named Peter, who had taken a 
disgust against his countrymen, and became a guide to the 
army, — who was very faithful and singularly serviceable in 
directing our forces to that part of the fort that was easiest of 
access. They advanced with an intrepid bravery and courage, 
having nothing but death or victory in view, under the sharp 

182 Niles's History of the 

fire of the enemy, and entered the fort and soon made them- 
selves masters of it, by killing great numbers of the enemy; 
and those that escaped fled into a great cedar-swamp not 
far distant. The English force set the wigwams on fire soon 
after they entered the fort, so that not only their houses but 
treasure also was quickly turned to ashes, and their corn 
and beans were turned to a coal, and great quantities of 
them remain to this day in their full proportion at a small 
depth under the surface of the earth. This remarkable 
conquest was effected on the Indians December 19, 1674, 
when 85 Englishmen were slain, and 150 wounded, of which 
many died. There were six captains among them that were 
slain, Captain Davenport, Captain Gardner, Captain John- 
son, Captain Gallop, Captain Siely, and Captain Marshal. 
They destroyed 700 fighting men, and 300 after died of 
their wounds, as they afterwards confessed, besides old men, 
women and children. 

Brave Major Bradford was wounded in his back with a 
bullet, probably by one of their own men, in the hurry of 
this fight, which he carried to the grave with him. This 
memorable exploit and victory over the Indians is still, and 
doubtless will be, distinguished from the many other heroic 
acts of the English in that season of their warlike conflicts 
with the Indians in New-England, by the name of The 
Swamp Fight, by way of special eminency. 

The only chaplain I find in the army, on this expedition, 
was Mr. Samuel Nowell, who after was a magistrate. He 
behaved with wonderful courage and activity in the face of 
death, when the balls whistled on every side of him, yet 

It may here be remarked, that Wequash was the English 
army's guide in the taking of Pequot Fort, and John Sausa- 
man discovered Philip's plot against the English at Ply- 
mouth. These were preachers to the Indians afterwards, 
though at places far distant ; Wequash at Connecticut, and 
Sausaman in the parts of Plymouth, — and were both mur- 
dered by the Indians, because of their friendship to the Eng- 
lish ; but I know not what became of Peter, that was guide 
to the army at the Swamp Fight. 

Deserted Mendon was this same winter laid in ashes, 
the French from Canada sending recruits, as their method 
always has been, to instigate and supply the Indians with 

Indian and French Wars. 188 

arms and ammunition, as well as otherwise on all occasions. 
February 10, the Indians fell upon Lancaster, then an out 
town, burnt many houses, and murdered and captivated 
more than 40 of the inhabitants. They soon after did much 
mischief at Marlborough, Sudbury, and Chelmsford; and, 
February 21, they fell upon Medfield, and burnt near half 
the houses in the town, and killed near or full out a score of 
the inhabitants. 

February 25, they killed four at Braintree, — three men 
and a woman. The woman they carried about six or seven 
miles, and then killed her and hung her up in an unseemly 
and barbarous manner, by the way- side leading from Brain- 
tree to Bridgewater ; and, if I mistake not, the same day 
they killed three at Weymouth. 

On March 14, the Indians killed five persons at North- 
ampton, and burnt five houses. On March 10, the Indians 
did further mischief at Groton and Sudbury; and March 13, 
they burnt almost all the houses in Groton, with the meet- 
ing-house, and tauntingly said to the people in the garrison, 
" What will you do for a house to pray in, now we have 
burnt your meeting-house V 9 

March 12, they barbarously cut off two families in Ply- 
mouth colony. The number of persons, at the lowest com- 
putation, may be supposed to be six, or perhaps more. 

On March 17, they burnt all the houses in Warwick. 

March 26, 1676, Captain Peirce, engaging the enemy 
with 50 Englishmen and 20 friendly Indians, was overpow- 
ered by a far greater number of the savages. He, with 49 
English, and eight Christian Indians, fell in the field of bat- 
tle, after they had slain 140 of the enemy. A disastrous 
day ! for on this day the town of Marlborough was consum- 
ed to ashes by another party of Indians ; and by another 
party, the same day, Springfield was beset, and several (I 
am uncertain how many) were murdered ; we may sup- 
pose at least five or six. 

March 28, forty houses were consumed to ashes, and the 
next day about thirty at Providence fell under the same fate. 
And because they could not gratify their bloodthirsty cru- 
elties on the people, now entered into their garrisons for 
defence, they exercised their barbarities in a prodigious 
manner upon the dumb creatures, cutting out the tongues 

184 Niks' s History of the 

of some, and then turning them away alive, and driving 
others into hovels and barns, and then setting them on fire. 

April 18, the Indians made a fierce assault upon Sudbury, 
and killed twelve men that were coming from Concord for 
the assistance of their neighbors, and burnt several houses. 
It might have been noted, that on March 27, about 40 in- 
habitants of Sudbury made a sally in the night on 300 In- 
dians, and killed 30 of them, without the loss of one of their 
own men. 

April 19th or 20th, Captain Wadsworth, father of the late 
President Wadsworth of Harvard College in Cambridge, 
with 70 men, after a long and tedious march, coming to the 
assistance of Sudbury, was surrounded by about 500 In- 
dians, overwhelming them, though they fought more like 
lions than like men, with all possible dexterity and courage. 
Yet he, with Captain Brattlebank and more that 50 of their 
men, fell in the field of battle, after they had sent about 140 
of the enemy to eternity. The Indians at that time took 
five or six captive ; and to prove their rage and heathenish, 
or rather diabolical cruelties, they tormented them to death, 
first by stripping them naked and making them run the 
gauntlet, then throwing hot embers on their swollen and 
bloody bodies, and cutting collops of flesh from their bodies, 
and putting burning firebrands into the wounds. Thus witfr 
burnings and exquisite torments, and with hideous lamenta- 
tions, outcries and heart-melting shriekings, they were sent 
out of the world. 

Captain Turner, with 30 or more of his men, were slain 
in their retreat from Connecticut. 

Captain Denison, with 66 volunteers and about 100 
Christian Indians, made great destruction on the enemy, 
without the loss of one man, but slew 76 of the enemy, and 
took Quanonchet, a great prince and sachem of the Narra- 
gansetts, who was beheaded by the Indians belonging to his 

There were also mischiefs done about this time at Ply- 
mouth, Taunton, Chelmsford, Concord, Haverhill, Bradford, 
Woburn and other places. Probably near or about the time 
the mischiefs were done in those towns above-mentioned, 
about thirty English, with a number of friendly Indians, 
issued out as volunteers from Stonington in Connecticut, 
in quest of an Indian sachem, or great captain, that had 

Indian and French Wars. 185 

done much mischief in the towns in the Bay government, 
whose name, as I remember, was Nunnenunteno; and in 
their travels they came to the foot of a great hill, where the 
foremost of them halted to eat their breakfast, and so the 
others in the rear, as they came up, halted for the like rea- 
son. The foremost, when they had breakfasted and refresh- 
ed themselves, marched up the hill, and when they were 
got to the top, they discovered a considerable body of In- 
dians before them, and began to fire on them. At which 
time some of his men were relating the mighty spoils they 
had made on sundry towns in the Massachusetts, with which 
he was gratified, and, willing to hear the whole story out, 
was loth to break oft' ; therefore sends one of his men out 
of the wigwam to see what the occasion was of the firing and 
mighty report of guns. When the fellow came out, and saw 
the English firing and advanced so near them, he immediate- 
ly ran away and escaped for his life, and never turned back to 
acquaint his master with the reason of the hot firing. But 
it continuing, and coming still nearer, he, not willing to 
lose any part of the pleasing exploits they had done, sends 
out another of his men to know the occasion, who, seeing 
the English so nearly advanced on them, did, like the former, 
run away without giving any tidings of the danger. The 
fire growing smarter, and approaching sensibly nearer, at 
length he starts up, and catches his gun, and runs out of the 
w 7 igwam, likely with but a broken part of the story so 
mightily pleasing to him. But when he came out, and saw 
the English, he also made his escape with one or two more 
of his company ; but running round the hill, he came in 
sight of the rear part of the English and the Indians with 
them, that were not ready to march. Upon which, one of 
the Indians said, " There is Nunnenunteno; me catch him!" 
and upon it set out with all his might in pursuit of him, the 
rest following. But running through a river, and doubtless 
being much out of breath, he fell down in the river and wet 
his gun, and rendered it useless for the present ; therefore 
he sat down on the other side of the river, and quietly 
yielded to the capture of his enemies. His intent, it seems, 
(as he afterward related it) was, that when he had got over 
the river, to fire on him that, was nearest to him, and then 
to run as fast as he could ; but was prevented by the acci- 
dent above mentioned. Thev after brought him over Paw- 

186 Niks' s History of the 

catuck river, which is the eastern bounds of Connecticut 
government, which is in Stonington, where he was executed, 
very near to the great bridge since erected over that river. 
But before his execution, the Indians had spread a mat for 
him to sit upon ; and though some of their own company had 
been the instruments to take him, yet others of them, there 
present, with uplifted hands and other indications of lament- 
ation, showed their regret that such a great man was fallen 
into the hands of his enemies. But while he was sitting on 
the mat, pinioned and under examination, one of the sol- 
diers sat down by him, and looking him in his face as he 
was speaking, he took it with such disdain that with a violent 
thrust or blow of his elbow threw the saucy fellow all along 
on the ground, as unworthy in his esteem to come so near 
to him ; and told his examiners, that he knew he was now 
in their hands, and they could do with him as they pleased ; 
and told them also, that by killing him they might not sup- 
pose it would put an end to the war, for others would pur- 
sue it, when he was gone. However, it was thought most 
advisable there to put him to death, lest by some means or 
other he might find an opportunity to make his escape. 
Accordingly, two Indians of their company were appointed 
to shoot him. One of them being a relation of his, goes to 
him, taking 'him by his hand, said, " Farewell, cousin, I 
must now kill you." Then, stepping a little back with the 
other Indian that was appointed for the like purpose, they 
discharged their guns, and he instantly fell down dead; after 
which they took off his head and sent it to Hartford. 

It was something remarkable, that some of the Indians, 
before they went out on this expedition, pretended to pre- 
dict, that now they should take Nunnenunteno, although 
they had not success in their former attempts of the like 
kind ; and so it happened in providence. 

This narrative I had from the Rev. Mr. Noyes, of Ston- 
ington, who was an eye-witness of the manner of the execu- 
tion of this monster of cruelty ; for as he was a very politic, 
warlike and active fellow, and had done a great deal of 
mischief in the country, Mr. Noyes, as he told me, advised 
to despatch him there, and prevent all further evil conse- 
quences that might ensue through his means. And as I am 
upon the subject of the Indian war in the land, and have 
such an incontestable author, a gentleman of undoubted 

Indian and French Wars. 187 

veracity, I thought proper to place it here, especially as 
there are several remarkable and favorable providences of 
God to this people leading to the event I have been speak- 
ing of; as, first, to be left to such an infatuation as not to 
provide for his safety when in such imminent danger, as he 
might well suppose by the repeated firing of guns in his 
hearing, merely to hear out the story of what exploits and 
bloodshed his men had done upon the English, in several 
towns. Another remarkable smile of providence was, that 
those in the rear had not marched after their company ; for 
had they done so, this mighty beast of prey had escaped 
undiscovered. Another instance worthy of notice was, that 
he must fall in the river and wet his gun, and thereby be 
rendered incapable of making resistance, by standing in his 
own defence, and as if the vengeance of God followed him, 
and constrained him tamely to yield himself into the hands 
of his pursuers. Again, it may be remarked, that he that 
had sent many souls into eternity with his gun, must now 
pass quick into another world by the like instrument of 
death. Finally, he that had shed the blood of many inno- 
cents, must have his guilty blood poured out upon the 
ground by his countryrxien, and one of them his own near 
relation. Thus may all the enemies of Christ's church fall, 
and never be able to rise any more. 

May 30, five Englishmen were slain near Hatfield, in an 
onset of the enemy, and 25 of theirs ; and the week before, 
12 of the enemy were slain near Rehoboth, with the loss 
only of one of ours. The Massachusetts and Connecticut 
colonies sent forth their forces about this time, that did 
great spoil on the enemy, with but little loss to themselves. 

June 29, 1675, was the first public Fast appointed in the 
Massachusetts, to implore Divine help against the Indians in 
this distressing war with them ; and June 29, 1676, was 
appointed a day of public Thanksgiving through the colony 
for the successes granted against the Indians in several en- 
gagements with them, and hopeful prospects there then was 
of further help and deliverance out of these troubles. 

About this time the government of Plymouth also appoint- 
ed a day to renew tneir covenant with God and one another ; 
and the very next day Major Bradford was delivered from 
an ambushment of. the enemy, who took and slew many of 
them, without any loss of his own men. 

188 Niks' s History of the 

The squaw-sachem of Saconet, now Little Compton, hear- 
ing of Major Bradford's marching that way, she, with 90 of 
her men, submitted themselves to the Major's mercy, as did 
many others of the enemy soon after, being in great want of 

Information being given by a negro that had been taken 
captive, that the enemy had formed a design to attack 
Taunton, auxiliaries being timely equipped and sent out, the 
Indians were repulsed and driven off, without the loss of 
one Englishman. 

In the woods near Dedham, great execution was done 
upon the Indians, without any loss to the English. 

The Massachusetts forces having taken and killed 150 
Indians, with the loss only of one man, returned to Boston 
July 22. 

About this time Captain Church went from Plymouth with 
about 18 English and 22 friendly Indians, and in one week 
he had several engagements with the enemy, wherein he 
took and slew 79 of them, without the loss of one of his own 

This Captain Church's method was, as he himself told 
me, when he took the Indians captive, to put them, such as 
he thought proper, into his service against the enemy, who 
were wonderfully serviceable to him; for as they best knew 
the lurking-places of the Indians they were taken from, and 
were faithful in conducting him to those places, it greatly 
facilitated his enterprises against the lurking adversaries. 

It may be observed, that some time about May 30, the 
Massachusetts forces took and killed about 40 of the enemy 
Indians; and Connecticut near 100, without the loss of one 
of their own men. 

On July 25th, 36 Englishmen, with 90 Christian Indians 
from Dedham and Medfield, overtook and captivated 50 of 
the Indians, without any loss to themselves ; among whom 
was Pomham, a great sachem in the eastern part of the 
Narragansett country, who was wounded, and lay a consid- 
erable time on* the ground as dead ; yet when an English- 
man came near to look on him, he with a violent fury and 
rage took fast hold of his hair, after the^tndian manner, and 
it was thought would have killed him by twisting off his 
neck, if he had not been rescued. 

Philip, who was the great incendiary and first promoter 

Indian and French Wars. 180 

of this war, (which to this day is styled Philip's War), pro- 
bably soon, or not very long after the swamp fight, and de- 
struction of his party there, made his escape with a number 
of his men to the Maquas, a powerful and numerous tribe of 
Indians westward, who sheltered him and his company, 
whose aid and assistance he importuned against the English. 
But finding some of these Indians, among whom he had been 
hospitably harbored, scattered in the wood, he killed them 
all, as he thought, and told the rest that the English had 
done it, to prejudice them against the English. But one of 
them was not so wounded but after some time he revived so 
as to get home, and told his countrymen that it was Philip 
and not the English that had killed them. Upon this they 
slaughtered 50 of his men ; but he made his escape, mightily 
defeated in his design by his own treachery and falsehood, 
and in the spring returns to Mount Hope, now Bristol, which 
was become Mount Ebal to him, for the curse and vengeance 
of God seemed to follow him wherever he went. 

July 27, sagamore John submitted himself to the mercy 
of the English, with 180 Nipmuck Indians, and brought in 
Matoonas, who first began the war in Massachusetts colony, 
the year before ; who was shot to death by sagamore John, 
by order of the English. 

On July 31, a small party of soldiers issued out of Bridge- 
water, fell unexpectedly upon a company of Indians, who 
snapped their guns at the English, but they all missed fire. 
They took 15 captive and slew 10, without the loss of a man 
of their own. Thus God wrought wonderfully in providence 
for us, in several preceding engagements with the Indians, 
wherein great spoil was made on them, without any loss on 
the side of the English. 

King Philip, the grand promoter of the war, was one of 
them that escaped at that time. 

On August 1, Captain Church, with about 30 English and 
20 friendly Indians, took 23 of the enemy ; and the next 
morning he came upon Philip's head-quarters, where they 
took and slew about 130 of the enemy, with the loss of but 
one of his men. Philip himself, now hardly escaping, left 
his peag, his wife and his son behind him. 

On August 6, an Indian deserter, informing the inhabit- 
ants of Taunton where they might probably surprise more 
of the enemy, 20 men of ours soon brought in 36 of them. 

190 Niks' s History of the 

The squaw-sachem of Pocasset, endeavoring about this 
time to escape over a river on a raft, the raft broke and she 
was drowned. The English, that found her, took off her 
head and stuck it upon a pole in Taunton; which when the 
captived Indians of her party saw, and knew whose head it 
was, they broke out into hideous lamentation, after their 
manner of mourning over their dead, — wherein they were 
used to unite in this dolorous tone, Too4oo-too-too-too4ooo ! 
and continue repeating over and over for a long time during 
the whole of their mourning, as I have seen and heard them. 

Near this time an Indian, one of Philip's men, took a 
disgust at him for killing an Indian who had propounded an 
expedient for peace with the English ; upon which he ran 
away from him to Rhode Island, where Captain Church then 
was recruiting his small force ; and upon this deserter's in- 
telligence he set out on a new expedition, and not long after 
arrived at a swamp where Philip, with a few of his men that 
were left, was kennelled. And at that instant Philip was 
telling his dream the night before, — much like the dream of 
the man in the army of Midian. So Philip dreamed that he 
was fallen into the hands of the English, therefore proposed 
an immediate escape ; and just in that interim an English- 
man and an Indian presented their guns at him. The Eng- 
lishman's gun missed fire, but the Indian shot him through 
the heart, and in the place, or near to it, where he first 
plotted and commenced this bloody war ; and the Indian 
that fired the first gun at the English in the beginning of 
this war, was slain with him at the same time. Now Philip, 
this Indian king and great sagamore, was cut into quarters, 
and hanged up in the woods, and his head carried to Ply- 
mouth on a Thanksgiving day, before appointed ; and on this 
very day, as Dr. Cotton Mather remarks, God sent them in 
the head of a leviathan for a Thanksgiving feast. 

Thus, according to my best information, and the truest 
intelligence I have been able to obtain, have I given an ac- 
count of the English that were slain both in the wars with 
Sassacus, the great sachem of the Pequots, and Philip, the 
sachem of the Wampanoags, as his men were called, the seat 
of which war was in Plymouth Patent (where it also ended 
by the death of Philip, as is shown above) and in the Mas- 
sachusetts. These wars were short, though much English, 

Indian and French Wars. 191 

but far more Indian blood was spilt in the time. Philip's 
war began in June, 1674, and ended in 1676 ; but the Pe- 
quot war was finished in a shorter time, as God wonderfully 
appeared for the help of the first settlers of the gospel and 
gospel churches in this wilderness land, who were then 
eminently a praying people. God heard their prayers, and 
in abundant instances remarkably gave them success against 
their enemies, — which then probably, in their several tribes 
and sagamoreships, were 100 to 1 of the English inhabitants, 
or likely a greater inequality as to numbers. 

Before I pass from this war with Philip, as above related, 
to that which succeeded in the northward or northeast part 
of the country, (raised and carried on ever since almost, 
except some few and short cessations, by the French and 
Indians, against the English colonies in the land), it may 
be proper in this place to acquaint my reader, that, some 
time after the Pequots were subdued by the English, as 
before is related, Ninicraft, the grand sagamore in the west 
part of the Narragansett country, a powerful prince, who 
had appeared friendly to the English, made war against 
Uncas, the sachem of the Mohegan tribe, dwelling in Con- 
necticut on the back of New London. The occasion of this 
rupture between these two Indian kings is uncertain at this 
day, unless it proceeded from envy in Ninicraft, to find that 
the English put more confidence in Uncas than they did in his 
fidelity, of which they were suspicious. Indeed, a. party of 
Ninicraft's men accompanied the English at their taking the 
Pequot fort, but they stood at such a distance only as lookers- 
on, and did them no other service than to stop those Indians 
that endeavored to escape, as before is noted. 

The Massachusetts, from the strong friendship the Mohe- 
gans had proved toward the English, concluded to assist 
Uncas against this his potent adversary, and accordingly 
raised and sent a party of men for that purpose ; but before 
they arrived the controversy was decided, for Uncas had 
defeated Ninicraft's party. However, as Ninicraft was 
found to be the aggressor, it was thought proper he should 
pay the charge of this armament and travail the English had 
been put to by his means, which he consented to do; but 
delaying the payment much longer than was expected, and 
perhaps promised, this delay occasioned Captain Atherton 
(I suppose of Dorchester) to £*o and make a demand of it. 

192 Niks' s History of the 

Accordingly he, with no more than eight men with him, 
entered Ninicraft's fort, (which I have seen, as I have also 
the ruins of the Pequot fort), and entering into his wigwam, 
took him by the hair of his head with one hand, holding with 
the other a loaded pistol at his breast, declaring withal, that 
unless he would take speedy care to pay the money he had 
promised, he would instantly shoot him dead on the spot. 
Ninicraft complied, whilst his attendants and numerous 
company about him stood amazed, and were struck with a 
wonderful surprise at this effort of Captain Atherton with 
his eight men. God, that has the command of all hearts, 
and can restrain the rage and fury of the most fierce and 
bloodthirsty as well as barbarous salvages, kept them from 
doing these men any harm. 

Some other instances I shall give of the like nature at 
Block Island, where I was born, and upon good authority. 
Some time after this island began to be settled by the Eng- 
lish, there then being but 16 Englishmen and a boy, and 
about 300 Indians, the Indians were wont, some of them, to 
treat the English in a surly, lordly manner, which moved 
the English to suspect they had some evil designs iri hand ; 
and it being in the time of Philip's war, there was a large 
stone house garrisoned, erected by James Sands, Esq., one 
of the first settlers. To this garrison the women and child- 
ren were gathered. But this was not esteemed a sufficient 
defence against such a great number of Indians as were then 
on the island. They therefore kept a very watchful eye on 
them, especially when they had got a considerable quantity 
of rum among them and they got drunk, as is common 
with them, and then they are ready for mischief. Once, 
when they had a large keg of rum, and it was feared by the 
English what might be the consequence, Mr. Thomas Terry, 
then an inhabitant there, the father of the present Colonel 
Terry, Esq., of Freetown, who had gained the Indian tongue, 
went to treat with them as, they were gathered together on 
a hill that had a long descent to the bottom ; where he found 
their keg or cask of rum, with the bung out, and began to 
inquire of them who had supplied them with it. They told 
him Mr. Arnold, who was a trader on Rhode Island. Upon 
which he endeavored to undervalue him and prejudice their 
minds against him ; and in their cups they soon pretended 
that they cared as little for Mr. Arnold as he did. He told 

Indian and French Wars. 193 

them, that if they spake the truth, they should prove it, 
(which is customary among them), and the proof he directed 
was, to kick their keg of rum, and say, Tuckisha Mr. Ar- 
nold; the English is, "I don't care for Mr. Arnold;" which 
one of them presently did, and with his kick rolled it down 
the hill, the bung being open, as was said ; and by the time 
it came to the bottom, the rum had all run out. By this 
stratagem, the English were made easy for this time. 

But the following instances were especially here intended. 
The Indians still insulting and threatening the English peo- 
ple, they became more cautious and watchful over them. 
About this time, or perhaps not long after, Ninicraft himself 
came over to visit this part of his dominions, as these island- 
ers were his subjects ; but his seat was on the main land 
over against them. And there came with him a number of 
his chief men, with many others, which gave the English 
new grounds of suspicion, fearing what might be their de- 
sign, as they were drinking, dancing and revelling after 
their usual customs at such times. Whereupon the English 
went to parley with them, and to know what their intentions 
were. The before-mentioned James Sands, who was the 
leading man among them, entered into a wigwam, where he 
saw a very fine brass gun standing, and an Indian fellow 
lying on a bench in the wigwam, probably to guard and 
keep it. Mr. Sands's curiosity led him to take and view it, 
as it made a curious and uncommon appearance. Upon 
which the Indian fellow rises up hastily and snatches the 
gun out of his hand, and withal gave him such a violent 
thrust with the butt end of it as occasioned him to stagger 
backward. But feeling something under his feet, he espied 
it to be a hoe, which he took up and improved, and with it 
fell upon the Indian. Upon which a mighty scuffle ensued, 
the English and Indians on the outside of the wigwam clos- 
ing in one with another; which probably would have issued 
in the destruction of the whole English party, as they were 
but a handful in compare with the great number of Indians, 
into whose hands they seemed then to be fallen, had not 
God, by a remarkable instance of his power, prevented it. 
For, in the time of this tumult and impending tragedy, 
Ninicraft, who was at that time on the island, was retired 
into a hot-house ; there ran a messenger from the company 
and acquainted him with the affair. Upon which he came 

194 Niks' s History of the 

with all haste, and running into the wigwam, took a scarlet- 
colored coat, and brought it out, swinging it round among 
the people as they were scuffling, and cries, " King Charles ! 
King Charles!" — intimating thereby, that as they all were 
King Charles's subjects, they ought not to contend ; which 
broke up the fray, and they became peaceable and friendly 
together for that time. This coat and gun were likely sent 
by King Charles to Ninicraft, to engage his fidelity and 
friendship more strongly to the English. 

As I have mentioned the hot-house into which Ninicraft 
was at this time retired, it may not be amiss to acquaint my 
reader with the make, use, and design of the hot-houses 
among the aboriginal natives in this country, and perhaps in 
others also. They were made as a vault, partly under 
ground, and in the form of a large oven, where two or three 
persons might on occasion sit together, and it was placed 
near some depth of water ; and their method was, to heat 
some stones very hot in the fire, and put them into the 
hot-house, and when the person was in, to shut it close up, 
with only so much air as was necessary for respiration, or 
that they within might freely draw their breath. And being 
thus closely pent up, the heat of the stones occasioned them 
to sweat in a prodigious manner, streaming as it were from 
every part of the body ; and when they had continued there 
as long as they could well endure it, their method was to 
rush out and plunge themselves into the water. By this 
means they pretend a cure of all pains and numbness in their 
joints, and many other maladies. 

Another instance of the remarkable interposition of Provi- 
dence in the preservation of these few English people in the 
midst of a great company of Indians. The attempt was 
strange and not easily to be accounted for, and the event 
was as strange. The Indians renewing their insults, with 
threatening speeches, and offering smaller abuses, the 
English, fearing the consequences, resolved, these sixteen 
men and one boy, to make a formal challenge to fight this 
great company of Indians, near or full out 300, in open 
pitched battle, and appointed the day for this effort. Ac- 
cordingly, when the day came, the before-mentioned Mr. 
Terry, living on a neck of land remote from the other Eng- 
lish inhabitants, just as he was coming out of his house in 
order to meet them, saw 30 Indians, with their guns, very 

Indian and French Wars. 195 

bright, as though they were fitted for war. He inquired 
from whence they came. They replied, from Narragansett ; 
and that they were Ninicraft's men. He asked their busi- 
ness. They said, to see their relations and friends. And for 
what reason they brought their guns ? They replied, Because 
they knew not what game they might meet with in their 
way. He told them that they must not carry their guns 
any farther, but deliver them to him; and when they return- 
ed, he would deliver them back to them safely. To which 
they consented, and he secured them in his house, and 
withal told them they must stay there until he had got past 
the fort ; as he w r as to go by it within gunshot over a nar- 
row beach between two ponds. The Indians accordingly 
all sat down very quietly, but stayed not long after him ; 
for he had no sooner passed by the fort but the Indians made 
their appearance on a hill, in a small neck of land called by 
the English Indian-head-neck. And the reason of its being 
so called was, because when the English came there, they 
found two Indians' heads stuck upon poles standing there. 
Whether they were traitors or captives, I know not. When 
they at the fort saw those 30 Indians that followed Mr. 
Terry, they made a mighty shout ; but Mr. Terry had, as I 
observed, but just passed by it. 

However, the English, as few as they were, resolved to 
pursue their design, and accordingly marched with their 
drum beating up a challenge, (their drummer was Mr. 
Kent, after of Swanzey), and advanced within gunshot of it, 
as far as the water would admit them, as it was on an island 
in a pond, near to and in plain sight of the place of my 
nativity. Thither they came with utmost resolution and 
warlike courage and magnanimity, standing the Indians to 
answer their challenge. Their drummer being a very 
active and sprightly man, and skilful in the business, that 
drum, under the overruling power of Providence, was the 
best piece of their armor. The Indians were dispirited to 
that degree that they made no motions against them. The 
English after inquired of them the reason of their refusing 
to fight with them, when they had so openly and near their 
fort made them such a challenge. They declared that the 
sound of the drum terrified them to that degree, that they 
were afraid to come against them. From this time the In- 
dians became friendly to the English, and ever after. In 

196 Niks' s History of the 

this instance also God appeared for the defence of this small 
number of English people in their beginnings ; for it was 
not the rattling, roaring sound of the drum, which doubtless 
they had heard before this time, but Divine sovereignty 
made this a means to intimidate them, and restrain their 
cruel and barbarous dispositions. 

Of which I shall briefly give an instance. As all the tribes 
of Indians in this country were mostly divided into distinct 
societies, and under some great sagamores or kings, or 
under petty sachems or princes, by what account we have 
of them, they were perpetually engaged in wars one with 
another, long before the English settled on Block Island, 
and perhaps before any English settlements were made in 
this land, according to the Indians' relation, as some of the 
old men among them informed me, when I was young. The 
Indians on this island had war with the Mohegan Indians, 
of whom mention is made before, although the island lies in 
the ocean and open seas, four leagues from the nearest main 
land, and much farther distant from any island, and from 
the nearest place of landing to the Moheague country forty 
miles, I suppose at least, through a hideous wilderness, as 
it then was, besides the difficulty of two large rivers. To 
prosecute their designed hostilities, each party furnished 
themselves with a large fleet of canoes, furnished with bows 
and arrows. Their arrows were pointed with hard stones 
somewhat resembling flint, and fastened in the end of their 
arrow in this form <J -, or much like it, so that if it en- 
tered into the flesh it was difficult to get it out. They had 
hatchets and axes of stone, with a round head wrought 
curiously, standing considerably above a groove made round 
it, to hold the handle of the axe or hatchet, which was bent 
in the middle and brought the extreme parts and bound 
them fast together, which were their handles to hold by and 
do execution with these their weapons of war. It happened 
that at the same time the Mohegans were coming in their 
fleet to invade the Block Islanders, they were going with 
their fleet to make spoil on the Mohegans. Both being on 
the seas, it being in the night and moonshine, and by the 
advantage of it the Block Islanders discovered the Mohe- 
gans, but they saw not the islanders. Upon which these 
turned back to their own shore, and hauled their canoes out 
*)f sight, and waylaid their enemies until they landed and 

Indian and French Wars. 197 

marched up in the island, and then stove all their canoes, 
and drove them to the opposite part of the island, where, 
I suppose, the cliffs next the sea are near, if not more 
than two hundred feet high, and in a manner perpendicular, 
or rather near the top hanging over, and at the bottom near 
the seashore very full of rocks. They could escape no far- 
ther. Here these poor creatures were confined, having 
nothing over them but the heavens to shelter or cover them, 
no food to support them, no water to quench their thirst. 
Thus they were kept destitute of every comfort of life, until 
they all pined away and perished in a most miserable man- 
ner, without any compassion in the least degree shown to 
them. They had indeed by some means dug a trench round 
them toward the land, to defend them from the arrows of 
their enemies, which I have seen, and it is called the Mo- 
hegan Fort to this day. 

I have given this short tragical narrative to show the bar- 
barous and cruel disposition of these salvages one towards 
another, which many of our poor captives who have been so 
miserable as to fall into their hands have experienced in 
multiplied instances ; some of which may afterwards be 
briefly related in the following part of what is intended by 
the author, in this his short historical account of the Eng- 
lish slaughtered by the French and Indians in their interest, 
more especially in the eastern parts of this country. For, 
as if the heathen were not sufficiently prompted by the 
fierceness and inhumanity implanted in their nature, to per- 
petrate and renew their massacres on the English, therefore 
their Jesuitical missionaries instigate them to newly-devised 
tortures, which the French promote, and with great pleas- 
ure and satisfaction are the spectators, if not actors therein ; 
for we are deemed heretics by them, and it is well known 
that a governing principle in the church of Rome and all her 
votaries is, that the least act of clemency is too good for 
heretics. From whence the long experience of this land 
has abundantly verified that great truth, that "the tender 
mercies of the wicked are cruel." 

Before I enter upon the depredations perpetrated by the 
French and Indians in the eastern pa**ts of the Massachu- 
setts and New-Hampshire governments, I shall give my 
reader a brief account of remarkable passages relating to 

198 Niks' s History of the 

Mrs. Hutchinson, who came into this country under a reli- 
gious character, probably not very long after the church at 
Boston was settled. She was a gentlewoman of prompt 
parts, and at first in great esteem with the good people 
there. But (whether before or after her coming hither, is 
now uncertain), she had imbibed some errors subversive of 
religion, and of a very dangerous tendency; and being of a 
more tenacious and resolute temper and disposition than is 
commonly found among those of her sex, she gave the 
Church, with some others that joined with her in sentiment, 
not a little trouble, by advancing Antinomianism and En- 
thusiasm, and other errors, much like the Separatists among 
us at this day; until the Church and Court fearing the con- 
sequence, the Court ordered her to depart out of the gov- 
ernment of the Massachusetts. She accordingly removed to 
Rhode Island ; but making no long stay there, she went far- 
ther westward to a place then called East Chester, now in 
the eastern part of the province of New-York, where she 
purposed to settle herself; but not to the good liking of the 
Indians that lived back in the woods, as the sequel will 

In order to pursue her purpose, she agreed with the be- 
fore-mentioned Captain James Sands, then a young man, to 
build her house, and he took a partner with him in the busi- 
ness. When they had near spent their provisions, he sent 
his partner for more, which was to be fetched at a consid- 
erable distance. While his partner was gone, there came 
a company of Indians to the frame where he was at work, 
and made a great shout, and sat down. After some time, 
they gathered up his tools, put his broad-axe on his shoul- 
der and his other tools into his hands, and made signs to 
him to go away. But he seemed to take no notice of them, 
but continued in his work. At length one of them said, 
Ye-hah Mumuneketock, the English of which is, "Come, let 
us go," and they all went away to the water side, for clams 
or oysters. After some time they came back, and found 
him still at work as before. They again gathered up his 
tools, put them into his hands as before they had done, with 
the like signs moving him to go away. He still seemed to 
take no notice of them, but kept on in his business, and when 
they had stayed some time, they said as before, Ye-hah Mu- 
muneketock. Accordingly they all went away, and left him 

Indian and French Wars. 199 

there at his work, — a remarkable instance of the restraining 
power of God on the hearts of these furious and merciless 
infidels, who otherwise would doubtless in their rage have 
split out his brains with his own axe. But God had further 
business for him to do in the world, in conducting the affairs 
on Block Island afterwards, as before is briefly related, for 
many years, when the people there became more numerous, 
and until his eldest son, Captain John Sands, a gentleman 
of great port and superior powers, succeeded him. He died 
in the 72d year of his age. He was a benefactor to the 
poor ; for as his house was garrisoned, in the time of their 
fears of the Indians, as before is noted, many poor people 
resorted to it, and were supported mostly from his liberality. 
He also was a promoter of religion in his benefactions to the 
minister they had there in his day, though not altogether so 
agreeable to him as might be desired, as being inclined to 
the Anabaptist persuasion. He devoted his house for the 
worship of God, where it was attended every Lord's day or 

His wife was a gentlewoman of remarkable sobriety and 
piety, given also to hospitality. She was the only midwife 
and doctress on the island, or rather a doctor, all her days, 
with very little, and with some and mostly, no reward at all. 
Her skill in surgery was doubtless very great, from some 
instances I remember she told me of. One was the cure of 
an Indian, that under disgust, as was said, he had taken at 
his wife or squaw, shot himself, putting the muzzle of his 
gun to the.pit of his stomach, and pushing the trigger. The 
bullet went through him, out and opposite at his back. He 
instantly fell, and one of the spectators, who happened to be 
in the field at that time, and heard the report of the gun, 
told me, after he was fallen and wallowing in his blood, he 
saw the blood and froth issue out of his back and breast as 
often as he drew his breath. He was perfectly healed, and 
lived a hearty, strong man even to old age; whom I after- 
ward knew, and often saw the scar at the pit of his stomach, 
as large or larger in circumference than our ordinary dollars 
passing among us. 

Another signal cure she told me God made her an in- 
strument of making, was on a young woman that was struck 
with lightning through her shoulder, when two or three 
others in the house were killed, so that when she adminis- 

200 Niks' s History of the 

tered to her by syringing, the liquid matter would fly through 
from the fore part to the hinder, and from the hinder part 
to the foremost, having a free and open passage both ways, 
yet was cured, and had several children, and lived to old 
age. I also knew her long before her death. She had also 
skill, and cured the bites and venomous poison of rattle- 

Mr. Sands had a plentiful estate, and gave free entertain- 
ment to all gentlemen that came to the island ; and when 
his house was garrisoned it became an hospital, for several 
poor people resorted thither, as before is remarked, who be- 
ing driven from their habitations and improvements, could 
bring but little with them. I heard his wife (who outlived 
her husband many years) often with admiration express the 
singular tokens of God's favorable providence in that time, 
by increasing remarkably the comforts of life on themselves 
and the poor that Providence had cast under their care. 

I shall give but one remarkable instance more in this 
digression, with relation to Mrs. Sands, of whom I have been 
speaking. She had then but one little child, a girl, just able 
to run about and prattle a little. Her maid had occasion to 
go into the field on some business, and urged that the child 
might go with her. The mistress denied, and withal telling 
the maid, there was an old well in the field, which the child 
would be likely to fall into, or some other mischief would 
happen to her. The maid goes away, and the mother sits 
down in the door-way, to keep the child out of danger, as 
they had a mill-pond near the house ; and as sewing linen 
cloth, and wanted a piece that lay on a table on the opposite 
part of the room, she bid the child bring it to her. The 
child went to a door that led into an inner room, where 
there was no other passage out, and closing the door, say- 
ing, "This, mamma, this 1" She said, "No, that," point- 
ing to the cloth. She was busy, and thought no more of 
her child, until one of her neighbors came and said, " The 
Lord give you patience; your child is drowned." The man 
came by the child, and saw it floating on the water in the 
flume, but took no care of it, but went up to the house, — 
whereas if he had then taken it out, he might have been a 
means of saving its life. But thus it must be in providence. 
The mother often lamented her presumption, in pretending 
to be her child's keeper, when she had found by sorrowful 

Indian and French Wars. 201 

experience, that she could neither keep herself or child, for 
it could get out no other way but by her, and she sat there 
for no other design but to prevent it, and yet was no ways 
sensible when the child crowded by her. Thus the counsel 
of God it shall stand, and he will do all his pleasure, some- 
times by wonderful, mysterious means; and it becomes us 
to stand still and know that God orders all events in wis- 
dom, for the best good of them that fear and trust in him, 
and that acquiesce in his providence. 

It is time to return to Mr. Sands, where we left him, 
working on his frame. The reason of his refusing to com- 
ply with the motions the Indians made to him, as before is 
noted, might proceed from a suspicion that in that case they 
might insult him; or whatever other thoughts might govern 
his conduct, is uncertain. However, the Indians being gone, 
he gathered up his tools, and drew off, and in his way met 
his partner bringing provisions, to whom he declared the 
narrow escape he had made for his life. Resolving not to 
return, and run a further risk of the like kind, they both 
went from the business. Notwithstanding, Mrs. Hutchin- 
son pursued her purpose, by procuring hands, who built it. 
But she had not dwelt in it long, before these very Indians 
had a quarrel with some Dutch people that dwelt near to 
her. However, the dint of their rage fell on this gentlewo- 
man, whom they slew, with all her family, to the number of 
sixteen; and left none but a little girl, a relative of the fami- 
ly, whom they carried captive, but was after redeemed, and 
married to Mr. Cole of North Kingston, in the Narragan- 
sett country. She lived to a considerable age. 

Having, according to my best intelligence, endeavored to 
give the world an exact and impartial account of the num- 
bers of English slain by the Indians, in thePequot war, and 
more westward, in the massacre committed on Mrs. Hutch- 
inson, and after of Philip's War, as it is called, I come nextly 
to enumerate all I can find slaughtered by the French, 'and 
Indians under their influence, in the northern and more 
eastern parts of New-England. 

In the year 1675, in time of Philip's war in the south and 
western parts of the country, the Indians in the eastward 
parts began their hostilities against the English, and, per- 
haps not without good reason, complained of injuries done 

202 Niles's History of the 

them by the English in divers instances ; so that at first, 
before an open war had commenced, by private scuffles and 
combats they had slain 50 of the English, and they had kill- 
ed about 90 of the Indians. 

On August 14th, 1676, Captain Thomas Lake was slain 
by the Indians at Arowsick Island, in Kennebeck river, and 
10 or 12 more. 

At Casco, they killed one Wakely, his wife, his son, and 
daughter-in-law, big with child, and barbarously murdered 
two children, and carried three children captive. 

The Massachusetts sent out Captain Hawthorn and Cap- 
tain Syll, with others, in search of the Indians, and by the 
contrivance of the English, near 400 of the Indians were 
surprised at the house of Major Waldron, in Quochecho, 
September 6, 1676. One half, that were the principal 
aggressors in the rebellion, were sold for slaves ; the 
other part were dismissed to return home. After this, for 
some time, the hostilities ceased on both sides ; but it lasted 
not very long, for they killed several English at North Yar- 
mouth, and at other places, — it is now uncertain how many. 
Captain Blackman seized near 20 of the Indians, with a de- 
sign of examining them what their intentions were, (for 
the} r appeared very surly, and insulting the English), and 
also with a view to exchange them for English prisoners 
they had taken about this time. The very honorable Mr. 
Stoughton, with several gentlemen from Boston, went to 
treat with the Indians, and exchange prisoners ; and though 
the Indians had consented to the time and place of meet- 
ing, yet they came not, but sent them word that at such a 
place as they named they would come, which was several 
leagues further. They accordingly went thither, but to no 
purpose, for the Indians refused to appear, though they saw 
the English, and waited for an opportunity treacherously to 
destroy them, — to which, they afterward said, they were 
advised by the French. So there was nothing done nor any 
prisoners exchanged. It was proposed by the gentlemen 
of the Massachusetts, to bring these Indian prisoners 'to Bos- 
ton, and wait for an opportunity to exchange them for the 
English they had taken. Sir Edmund Andros, who was then 
Governor, was at this time at New York, which also, toge- 
ther with the Massachusetts and Rhode Island, were equally 
under his command. At his return to this part of his gov- 

Indian and French Wars. 203 

ernment, he gave special orders to those that had these In- 
dians in custody, upon their* peril forthwith to release them, 
with their guns, and all they had, or had been taken with 
them, without the exchange of any English prisoners ; — a 
mighty encouragement to the French and Indians to pursue 
their murdersome, cruel designs against us, without control. 

About this time, or not long after, Captain Rowden and 
Captain Gendal were taken prisoners, with many others, by 
the Indians. Captain Gendal had a release, but Captain 
Rowden was never recovered out of their hands, with seve- 
ral others. 

Some time in September, Captain Gendal or Gindel, went 
with some soldiers to a place called North Yarmouth, with 
orders to build stockades on both sides of the river, for safe- 
ty in case of a sudden invasion. While they were at work, 
an English captive, that probably had made his escape, told 
them there were 70 or 80 Indians near to them, and advised 
them to yield to them, and save their own lives. The sol- 
diers were terrified at this report to that degree that all 
hastily ran away, and in their flight fell directly into the 
Indians' hands, who lay on the other side of the river ready 
for such an opportunity. The Indians soon came up, bring- 
ing the prisoners, their easy captivated prey, with them, 
dearly paying for their cowardice. The people of Casco, 
that were there at this time, resolved not to yield themselves 
to them, and also, if it were possible, to recover the prison- 
ers so lately taken, without coming to an open fight. Ac- 
cordingly, they laid hold of their neighbors with such dex- 
terity and resolution, that they soon delivered all except 
one or two ; they were about a dozen in all. But in the 
struggle, a surly Indian fellow held his prey fast, until one 
Benedict Pulcifer gave him a blow on his shoulder with his 
broad-axe. Upon which ensued a hot skirmish by discharg- 
ing their guns on each side, till some were slain on both 
sides ; how many is now uncertain. This action was fol- 
lowed*with a h5avy and bloody war for many years in New- 
England. However, the English so far prevailed at this 
time, as to constrain the Indians to quit the field and depart. 

The engagement and conflict being over, Captain Gendal, 
with only a servant of his, passing over the river in a canoe 
in the evening, they, upon their landing, were both imme- 
diately slain by the Indians that lay hid in the bushes. 

204 Niks' s History of the 

The same evening one Ryal, with another man, fell una- 
wares into the Indians' hands. Ryal was afterwards ran- 
somed by Castine, who had married a daughter of one of 
their great sagamores ; but the other man they barbarously 

Some time after this, the Indians went eastward, to a place 
named Merry-meeting, so called from the concourse of divers 
rivers meeting together in that place. But it proved a sor- 
rowful meeting to some; for here, after they had burnt all 
the houses but three, they made a slaughter on the people; 
how many were then slain is uncertain. This was done in 
cold blood, if this can be applied with any propriety to such 
savage, cruel, and merciless creatures, who seem by their 
furious tempers to be destitute of all, the least semblances 
of humanity; for this trage'dy was committed after they had 
seized their persons and made them become the proper 
prisoners of war ; which at once proved both their barbarity 
and infidelity. 

About this time, the Indians made their assaults on a 
town called Sheepscott, and burnt almost all their houses. 
The people escaped their fury by getting into their fort, all 
but one man, who going out of the fort to treat with them, 
was treacherously slain. 

After this, they went to a place then called Kennebunk, 
not far from Winter Harbor, and cut off two families, viz. 
Barrow's and Bussy's, in which we may conclude were six 
or eight persons, or perhaps more. The winter coming on, 
the Indians retired to their winter quarters, and little mis- 
chief done until spring, when they renewed their kostilities 
with more violence, as we shall find, in the following 

Sir Edmund Andros, the Governor, with near 1000 men, 
went out in the winter, and in the deep snows and cold, as 
is usual in those eastern parts of the country, — built a fort 
at Pemmaquid, and another at Pechypscott, besides the fort 
at Sheepscott Falls, a very hard undertaking in such a sea- 
son of the year. In this, cruel winter's service a great num- 
ber of the soldiers died, as many, it was thought by some, 
if not more than at that time there were Indians in the 
French interest: The Governor's administration was guid- 
ed by his great favorite and counsellor, Ned Randolph, as he 
was then called, and others of his close cabinet council, 

Indian and French Wars. 205 

mostly of the like arbitrary measures and dispositions. J 1 is 
government reached from the Massachusetts, over Rhode 
Island and New York. His commission reached and includ- 
ed Connecticut government also ; but that colony refused 
to subject themselves to his authority, and have ever since, 
as before, enjoyed their ancient charter privileges. The 
Massachusetts province was then the main seat of war 
with the Indians in the east, as it has been mostly ever 
since, through the instigation of our French enemies. The 
Governor's chief residence being at Boston, the people in the 
province were more especially affected with his conduct, and 
his creatures under him, as they may be termed, who had at 
that time the whole sway of affairs in the'government, and 
in such an arbitrary manner as raised great suspicion and 
fears in the minds of the people in general, what would be 
the event. For it was generally known, that his master, 
King James, was reputed a papist, and not without good 
grounds; who, after he abdicated the British throne, and 
upon King William and Queen Mary's ascending it, fled into 
France, attempted with French auxiliaries, together with 
the popish party in Ireland, to reduce that kingdom to his 
obedience, in which war much blood was spilt on both sides. 
But in the issue King James's forces were defeated, and that 
kingdom established in peace and subjection to that wise 
and heroic prince, King William and Queen Mary, the hap- 
py instruments of restoring peace and establishment of the 
Protestant interest throughout the British dominions, both in 
church and state. But to return. 

The consideration from whom Governor Andros derived 
his authority, together with his mal-administrations, as was 
thought by such as were most capable to judge of affairs as 
they then stood in the government, created great jealousies 
in the minds of the people, that his instructions led him to 
perpetrate further measures to the hurt and prejudice of the 
people, superadded to the many instances of that kind which 
had been before proved in his conduct, particularly in dis- 
missing the Indian captives, without any exchange of Eng- 
lish prisoners for them, and leading such a number of men, 
in the depth of winter, to build forts, where so many perish- 
ed under grievous hardships, — which articles are before 
noted. Among other disagreeable methods then taken, too 
many here to be inserted, the artifice of constraining all that 

206 Niles's History of the 

possessed lands to take a patent of them from the Governor, 
and if they declined coming up to his terms, another that 
was a higher bidder might take it out of the rightful owner's 
hands. This scheme, with others, gave the people a mighty- 
alarm, and filled their minds with resentment to such a 
degree that every one almost complained of the project, as 
tending to the destruction of the rights and properties of 
freeborn Englishmen ; by which means it dropped and fell 
to the ground, when it was but in a manner just entered on. 

However, the fears and suspicions of the people still in- 
creasing, it was thought necessary by the wisest heads, all 
things considered, that the Governor should be deposed, 
under some hopes, it is probable, of reassuming their former 
charter privileges, which doubtless gave a spring to the 
motion, and it is likely some gentlemen here had private 
intelligence from home of what was there acting at that 
time, and in hopes of patronage from thence. The day for 
this enterprise was appointed, but with such secrecy, that 
though the companies in Boston and round about for twelve 
or fourteen miles distant were rallied, and ordered into 
Boston, yet they knew not for what, till they came there. 

The Governor, surprised to behold such a great number 
of men in arms approaching his fort, admired, as was said, 
from whence they all came, alleging, " that when he wanted 
men to go to the eastward he found it difficult to have them 
procured.' ' However, not long after the summons was 
made for a surrender, he wisely surrendered himself and 
company then with him, and his fort, to which he had re- 
tired, unto his besiegers, without the shedding any blood. 
This memorable revolution was begun and completed on the 
18th day of April, 1689, to the universal joy of the whole 
country. He was after sent home, but never returned hither, 
though he was afterward sent by King William, with a gov- 
ernment commission over Virginia, which is the latest ac- 
count I know of that we have had of him. 

But to come to my principal intention. Sometime in 
April, before the revolution above related, the Penacook 
Indians appeared peaceable, and were conversant with the 
English, by means whereof they became too secure, and 
fearless of those who waited only for an opportunity to cut 
their throats, as it afterwards proved ; for the Penacoojt and 
Saco Indians joined together, and hovered about Quoche- 

Indian and French Wars. 207 

cho, where one Mesandowit, a sagamore, had been kindly 
entertained by Major Richard Waldron but the night 
before ; but early the next morning, being Lord's day morn- 
ing, about break of day, the garrison was beset with 100 
Indians,- some say more. But this treacherous and perfidi- 
ous Mesandowit, though he had been so kindly treated by 
the Major, yet betrayed him and the whole garrison into 
their enemy's hands, by opening the garrison gate to the 
Indians. He doubtless came with plausible pretences for 
the same purpose ; upon which ' the Indians rushed in, and 
first barbarously murdered the Major himself, and 22 
more afterward, and captived 29, and burnt their best 
houses, several of them. This tragical massacre was com- 
mitted some time in the beginning of April, before the revo- 
lution, as was said. Then they drew off, carrying with them 
what plunder they pleased, and in their retreat killed John 
Broughton. Mr. John Emerson, a worthy preacher at Ber- 
wick, very narrowly escaped the like fate, by declining to 
lodge at the Major's that night, though strongly solicited 

Forces were soon sent out to relieve the poor people that 
remained in Quochecho, and others were sent out under the 
command of Captain Noyes ; and from Piscataqua, a party 
of men were sent out, commanded by Captain Wincal, who 
went up to the Winnipiseogee Ponds, where the Indians es- 
caped him, except two that he killed. He cut down their 
corn, as did Captain Noyes also in his pursuit of the Pena- 
cook Indians, with killing only one of them. The skulking 
Indians, about the same time slew several persons' at an out 
farm, on the north side of Merrimack river ; it is now un- 
certain how many, but we safely conclude three or four at 

Four young men of Saco, desirous to join with the forces, 
went to seek their horses, were all slain by an ambush the 
Indians had laid for them. 24 armed men went to bury the 
slain, and were met by a party of Indians, whom they pur- 
sued to a great swamp ; but a greater number of the enemy 
appearing, they were constrained to retreat with the loss of 
about six of their men. 

On August 2, one Starky, going out from Pemmaquid fort, 
fell into the Indians' hands, who, to gain his own freedom, 
informed the Indians, that there were but few men in the 

208 Niks' s History of the 

fort, that the people were scattered, and Captain Giles with 
others were gone to his farm. Upon this intelligence, the 
Indians divided their forces ; that part that went in pursuit 
of Captain Giles, slew him and several of his company, which 
were about 14 in number, — we may conclude 6 or 7 ; and 
the other party, taking the advantage of the tide, slew about 
the like number before they could reach the fort. Captain 
Weems, then in the fort, having but few men able to make 
resistance, and his own face grievously scorched with gun- 
powder, was brought to a capitulation, and in the issue to a 
surrender of the fort the next day, upon condition of life and 
liberty for all that were in it. But the Indians, as their 
manner is, soon broke their contract, by butchering some, 
and captivating others ; as may be reasonably concluded, 
there were 30 or 40 in all, men, women and children. 

Captain Skinner and Captain Farnham, repairing to the 
fort from an island about half a mile distant from it, were 
both slain as they landed on the rock ; and Mr. Patishal, as 
he lay in the barbacan with his vessel, was taken and slain. 

This, with more spoil done by the Indians, at Sheepscott 
and Kennebeck, and other places eastward, caused the in- 
habitants to draw off to Falmouth as speedily as possible. 

When the fort at Quochecho was surrendered, as before 
is noted, Mrs. Heard, a widow, daughter of the Rev. Mr. 
Hull, formerly minister at Piscataqua, went from thence to 
Quochecho, with two sons and a daughter, all heads of fam- 
ilies ; and coming to the fort, not knowing the condition it 
was in, knocked and bounced at the gate, but were not ad- 
mitted entrance ; at which they admired, and complained of 
ill treatment. At length the young men climbed up the wall, 
and discovered the Indians in it, to their great surprise. 
Upon which Mrs. Heard, being much spent and tired with 
her travel, advised her children to make their escape, and 
leave her, for she expected to perish by the hands of the 
enemy; which with heavy hearts they at length did. She 
hid herself among some bushes not far from the fort ; and 
though an Indian fellow came and looked on her twice, he 
said nothing to her, nor did her any harm ; but after they 
had burnt the fort, departed. She after got safe to her own 
fort, and found her children all well. Her fort or garrison 
was the first that was assaulted, and in the extreme part of 
the province, yet it stood out to the last, and was not taken 

Indian and French Wars. 209 

by the enemy or surrendered to them ; — a remarkable deliv- 
erance, and such salvations God often shows, especially to 
them that fear him and hope in his mercy. 

Mrs. Sarah Gerish, the daughter of Captain John Gerish, 
of Quochecho, was taken captive, when about seven years 
of age. She underwent great and many hardships in her 
travels through the wilderness to Canada, where she was 
redeemed from the Indians by the Lord Intendant, where 
she was kindly entertained, for he intended to marry her to 
his son, as she w T as very beautiful, and engaging to all that 
knew her. However, after sixteen months captivity, by the 
exchange of prisoners she was restored to her friends. 

August 28, 1689, Major Swayn, with seven or eight com- 
panies raised by the Massachusetts, marched eastward; Ma- 
jor Church, with a company from Plymouth, consisting partly 
of English, with a number of Christian Indians, followed 
them ; and while they were on their march for the defence 
of the distressed inhabitants, the Indians, in their skulking 
manner, observed what number of men there were in Lieu- 
tenant Huckins's garrison ; and finding they were all gone 
out to their work, rushed suddenly on them all, 18 in num- 
ber. But one man escaped, who was gone over the river. 
And then they attacked the garrison, in which there were 
only two boys, and one of them lame, besides some women 
and children. These brave boys, with the help of the wo- 
men, they doing what they could, defended the garrison 
against these furious salvages a considerable time, until the 
enemy found means to set fire to the house. The Indians 
then, to save the goods, moved them to yield, which through 
necessity they were constrained to do, on condition that 
their lives should be spared. But these perfidious wretches 
soon broke their solemn promises ; for as soon as they got 
possession of the garrison, they 'slaughtered three or four 
of the children. One of those boys made his escape from 
them the next day. It was said that the women loaded the 
guns in the combat, and the boys fired them, and wounded 
several of the Indians in the engagement. It is a pity the 
names of these heroic boys are forgotten, who distinguished 
themselves such warriors, in some sort, from their cradles. 

Captain Gardner made a vigorous pursuit after the In- 
dians. But while the forces were busily employed in set- 
tling garrisons in the east, a great number of the enemy fell 

210 Niks' s History of the 

upon Casco, and they first killed Captain Bracket. But 
Captain Hall, who had been a valiant commander in the 
former as well as in this war, with courageous Lieutenant 
Dawes, coming with his company at that instant, engaged 
the Indians ; upon which ensued a very sharp conflict, which 
lasted several hours. But at last the Indians, not able 
longer to stand the encounter, ran off and left the field, with 
a dozen Englishmen slain. But what Indians fell in the 
battle is uncertain, as their constant practice is, if possible, 
to carry off and conceal their dead. 

Presently after this, Major Swayn, with much hard travel, 
gave relief to a garrison at Blue Point, and drove the Indians 
into their sheltering, thick and inaccessible swamps. 

Captain Wiswel, with some Indian auxiliaries, a party of 
them, were sent out under ( the conduct of Lieutenant Flagg, 
who went as far as the Winnipiseogee (I suppose the ponds, 
so called), where they had a conference together in their 
own language, and agreed to send back the Lieutenant with 
two Indians. They after found the enemy, and lodged with 
them two nights, as was after asserted by some captives 
that were then in their custody, and told them the whole 
state of the English, their motions and purposes; which 
greatly disgusted their commanders, and gave just ground 
of suspicion that they acted under treacherous designs. 

The Indians having retired, and (as was thought), got oul 
of the English reach, the army was broken, up in the month 
of November; only a sufficient number of soldiers to defend 
the forts and garrisons, and the people in them, in the most 
exposed settlements. 

February, 1690, the Indians, with about an equal number 
of French from Canada, made a descent on a Dutch town 
called Schenectady, about twenty miles above Albany, in 
the government of New York. In that surprising incursion, 
they killed 60 persons (one of them was their minister), and 
led half as many captive. Some of the people there, assist- 
ed by the Maquas, recovered part of the "captives. 

March 18, a party of French and Indians, from Canada, 
under the command of Monsieur Artel, and Hope-Hood (who 
had been a servant to some man in Boston), fell suddenly on 
Salmon Falls, destroying the best part of the town with fire 
and sword, and killed about 30 persons, or more. Among 
these, one Clement Short, esteemed an honest man, and his 

Indian and French Wars. 211 

pious wife, and three children were killed, and six or seven 
led away prisoners ; more than 50 carried captive. About 
seven score English pursued them and came up with them, 
but from the deepness of the snow, and night coming on, 
they could effect no more than to take one prisoner, a 
Frenchman, who gave them an account of the whole state 
of Canada. He met with so much kindness from the Eng- 
lish,, that he renounced his Romish religion, and became a 
serious, and, as was thought by them that knew him, a sin- 
cere, good Protestant. Four or five of the English, and as 
many of the Indians, were slain in this action. 

Two English prisoners were taken by the Indians, that 
met with a very different fate. One Thomas Toogood had 
three Indians hotly pursuing him, and one overtook him. 
The other two perceiving it, stayed behind the hill, out of 
sight. Toogood yielded himself a prisoner, and as the In- 
dian was endeavoring to get a string to tie him, he held his 
gun under his arm ; which Toogood observing, suddenly 
plucked it from him, and then protested if he made any 
noise he would shoot him dead on the spot; and then ran 
away with it to Quochecho. We may readily conclude with 
what shame and regret the poor fellow returned to , his 
companions, empty-handed, with the loss of his gun and his 
prey to boot. The other prisoner was one Robert Rogers, 
who was very fat, and unable to travel. Him they burnt to 
death in as cruel a manner as their inhuman dispositions 
could invent. They first cut off the top of a small tree, and 
made the lower part serve in the room of a stake, and then 
tied him fast to it ; then gathered a considerable quantity of 
wood, and laid it at some distance from him and set it on 
fire, and when it began to burn, answerably to their purpose, 
they pushed it nearer to him, and as it prevailed, fearing 
the poor man would be too soon put out of his misery, they 
drew the fire from him, and then cut great collops of flesh 
from his limbs and threw them with the blood in his face ; 
and then pushed the fire on him again, making all their 
prisoners to stand and behold it, not daring to manifest the 
least compassion toward him. Thus they continued their tor- 
tures, and his cries and lamentations, as long as he was 
able to utter them, at which they danced and rejoiced, as 
melodious music in their ears. And when their savage 
minds were glutted with beholding this (to them such a 

212 Niks' s History of the 

grateful) spectacle, they left him on a great bed of coals, — 
where the English after found him, and buried the remains 
of his body not consumed. His name was Robert Rogers, 
as before is noted, and very fat and gross of body. His fat, 
frying out, might, as oil, serve to quicken and aggravate the 
flames, by reason of his uncommon fatness ; for which reason 
some took the liberty to nickname him Robin Pork. Thus 
he became not only a victim, but a miserable sacrifice to their 
fury ; and they, at the same time, turned human flesh into 
the flesh of swine to banquet and feast on, by such a tragical 
barbacue of his whole body, to satisfy and glut their greedy 
appetites for the flesh, and insatiable thirst after English 
blood. Some other instances of the like kind we shall meet 
with as we go along. 

James Key, the son of John Key of Quochecho, a child 
of about five years of age, at Salmon Falls, fell into the In- 
dians' hands, and that cruel monster, Hope-Hood, became 
his master. The poor child cried for his parents. His 
master threatened to beat him if he heard him cry for his 
parents any more ; but the child could not refrain tears on 
that account. His master- then stripped him naked, and 
tied him to a tree, and whipped him in an unmerciful and 
most cruel manner. After this, the child had a sore eye ; 
his master told him that it came by crying for his parents ; 
whereupon he took hold of his head with his left hand, and 
with the thumb and finger of his right thrust out the ball of 
the child's eye, and then told him, if he heard him cry any 
more, he would pull out his other eye also, and then he 
would have never an eye to cry, with or shed tears. The 
poor child lay roaring and crying under his pain and misery, 
which was pleasant music to his barbarous master, void of 
all sympathy or marks of humanity. In about ten days after, 
he removed his family near thirty miles distant. When 
they had gone about six miles of the way, the poor child, 
being much tired, sat down to rest himself; upon which this 
furious wretch ran to him, and with his hatchet split out his 
brains, and then cut his breathless body to pieces and threw 
it into the river, before the face of the company and other 
miserable captives there present. 

Mehitable Goodwin, in the eastern parts, was taken cap- 
tive by the Indians, with her child about five months old. 
She wanting proper nourishment, and the chikl by that 

Indian and French Wars. 213 

means also growing froward, her master told her unless she 
kept her child quiet, he would dispose of it. This occasion- 
ed the poor mother, in her tender affection to her young 
infant, sometimes to go out in frost and perhaps the snow, 
up to her waist, undergoing this hardship to quiet her child, 
before she dared to return, for fear of the consequence. 
Pinching want prevailing on the mother, the poor child felt, 
the effect of it, which caused it again to cry; which so dis- 
gusted her master, that he snatched it out of her arms, and 
dashed out its brains in her sight, and stripped it naked, and 
ordered her to wash the bloody clothes in the river, and 
hung up the child in a forked limb of a tree. She desired 
liberty to put it under ground ; but he denied, telling her 
that it was out of the reach of wild beasts, and if ever she 
came that way again, she might have comfort of seeing it. 
She underwent so many straits and difficulties by sore trav- 
ail and want of proper nourishment to uphold nature, that 
at length she was tired, nor able, as she thought, to go any 
further, and sat down. Whereupon her savage master 
came furiously to her, and designed instantly to despatch 
her also, as he had done her child. But she, with tears and 
earnest entreaties, begged him to spare her, hoping God 
would give her strength, and enable her to travel further. 
Upon which he withheld his hand, under some seeming re- 
lentings in his relentless heart. Another time he attempted 
to kill her, but was prevented by a couple of Indians step- 
ping in for her rescue, and also ransomed her out of his 
hands ; from them she found something better quarters. 
Her former master, out of whose hands she had so remark- 
ably, in providence, so narrowly escaped, the same night, 
as I take it, hearing some guns fired on the other side of the 
river, went to know the occasion ; but before he reached 
the other side was shot and killed in his canoe by some of 
his own party, through a mistake, supposing him to be in the 
English interest, as there happened the like mistake soon 
after ; for two companies of French Indians, in the woods, 
supposing each other to be enemies, engaged in battle, and 
killed several on both sides before they discovered the mis- 
take. The poor woman, after a long and tedious winter's 
travel, was carried to Canada, and after five years' captivity, 
was returned again to her friends. 

Mary Plaisted, the wife of Mr. James Plaisted, was taken 

214 Niks' s History of the 

captive by the Indians, when she had been delivered of a 
child but about three weeks. They took her off from her 
bed, and made her travel the biggest part of the same day, 
and at night she had only the cold ground for her lodging, 
and in the open air, with no other nourishment but water 
and a little bears' flesh ; by which means both she herself 
and her infant were in danger of being famished. She, 
greatly weakened and unable to travel, sought to God in 
her distress. After some time her master killed a moose, 
and the broth was very refreshing to her while it lasted. 
But she soon fell into her former weakness, having her child 
to carry in her arms over hills and through swamps, and 
other difficulties of passage in a hideous wilderness; and by 
reason of carrying her child, and her own weakness, she 
could not go so fast as her master required her to do. At 
length, he took the infant from her, and stripped it naked, 
then dashed out its brains against a tree, and took it by the 
ancles, and with violence threw it into the river, and went 
to the dejected, sorrowful mother, and told her, "She was 
now eased of her burden, and must walk faster than she did 
before/' We have no further account of what sorrows and 
hardships that afterwards this poor woman passed through 
in her captivity. 

Mary Ferguson was taken captive by the Indians at Sal- 
mon Falls, and a young woman, as she related, about fifteen 
or sixteen years of age. She was tired with a burden laid 
on her too heavy to carry. She sat down, and told her mas- 
ter she was tired and could go no further ; upon which he 
took off her burden, led her into the bushes and cut off her 
head ; then brought it in his hand, swinging it and triumph- 
ing. It was usual with them, in their frolics, to take the 
captive children and hold them under water till they were 
stifled, and then throw them to their mothers to quiet them. 
This was Indian captivity, and remains so still. 

On April 28, 1690, a fleet of 32 sail was equipped at Bos- 
ton, and land forces raised by New-England and New York, 
in order to subject Canada to the crown of Great Britain, 
under the command of Sir William Phipps, then Governor 
of the Massachusetts, and began their voyage August 9, but 
were defeated. What occasioned it would be too long to 
relate, only it may be noted by the way, that attempts made 
or formed against Canada by the English have proved abor- 

Indian and French Wars. 215 

tive, as it proved to the Spaniards. When they deserted it, 
they called it El Capo de Nada, or, The Cape of Nothing, 
(whence it had the name of Canada). This Canada has been 
Cape Nothing, and ten-fold worse than nothing, to New- 
England, as it has been a den of dragons, in conjunction 
with the Indians in their interest, as before is proved ; and 
many more like tragic instances will fall in our way, in the 
following part of this historical narrative. 

There was once indeed a singular opportunity, if it had 
been improved, to have kept the French and Indians in sub- 
jection to the English crown. For in the year 1629, Ad- 
miral Kirk was sent by the crown of England, with a fleet 
of three ships of war, with some tenders and transports, to 
subdue the French at Canada, and make them surrender to 
the English flag, at that time when the English were set- 
tling New-England. He sent a summons to surrender, as 
he had done the year before ; but the French then refused. 
But now, after some capitulation, they opened the gates, 
and he went into Quebec, and took possession of their city 
and fort for the English, and then returned home. After 
this, as the English took no further care to maintain that 
conquest, the French increasing greatly, and drawing the 
Indians over to their party, has occasioned the massacres 
and abundant barbarous bloodshed in the land, together with 
the miserable captivity of unknown numbers of people, es- 
pecially in the eastward parts of the country; some of which 
I now return to relate, superadded to the foregoing accounts. 

Upon the design formed against Quebec, as above, some 
forces were raised by the Massachusetts, to go by land to 
Albany, and from thence over the Lake, and to fall on 
Montreal, and from thence to meet the fleet at Quebec. 
These forces by land were in part put under the command 
of Captain James Convers, for the assistance of the army 
designed for the same purpose. But while they were march- 
ing through the vast howling wilderness, unhappy news from 
the east required a diversion of those forces from going 
thither. For in the beginning of May, 4 or 500 French 
and Indians, in their canoes, were discovered atCasco pass- 
ing over the bay, which put the people upon their guard for 
a short time. But hearing nothing further of them for about 
two or three weeks, they grew remiss, supposing the 
danger to be over, concluding they were gone some other 

216 Niles's History of the 

way. But their hopes soon vanished; for about the 16th of 
May, one Gresson, a Scotsman, going out early in the morn- 
ing, fell into the Indians' hands. It was a great unhappiness 
to the people at Casco, that Captain Willard, an experienced 
and well qualified commander, was two or three days before 
called off. The officers of the town ordered a strict watch 
to be kept up, apprehending the whole army of the enemy 
were skulking about, waiting an opportunity to surprise 
them ; therefore thought it unsafe to sally out until they had 
made some further discoveries. Notwithstanding, one Lieu- 
tenant Clark, with about 30 young men, attempted to go to 
the top of a hill, half a mile from the town. To the entrance 
into the woods, they had a lane fenced on both sides to pass 
through, which had a block-house at one end. As they 
were entering the lane, they suspected Indians lying in am- 
bush by the cattle there staring, not daring to go into the 
woods as usual. This company then ran up to the fence 
with an huzza! supposing to frighten them; but the In- 
dians were too well prepared to quit the ground. Dis- 
charging a volley of shot on the English, they killed the 
Lieutenant and 13 more on the spot ; the rest with much 
difficulty made their escape to the garrison. The Indians, 
then coming into the town, beset all the garrisons at once, 
except the fort, which were courageously defended so long 
as their ammunition lasted. But that being spent, and hav- 
ing no prospect of a recruit, they quitted the four garrisons 
by the advantage of the night, and got safely into the fort. 
Upon this the enemy set the town on fire, and then bent 
their whole force against the fort ; and there being a trench 
not far distant from it, in this gully the Indians sheltered 
themselves from the fire of the fort. The enemy began a 
mine, and got near to the fort. The English, having man- 
fully defended themselves five days and four nights, had the 
greatest part of their men killed and wounded. Upon their 
present situation, they came to a parley with the, enemy; in 
which it was agreed that the people in the fort should have 
liberty to march out, and that they would send a guard to 
conduct them safely to the next town. The French com- 
mander, lifting up his hand, swore by the everlasting God 
to the faithful performance of these articles. But when they 
had made themselves masters of the fort, they soon broke 
those solemn engagements, for they murdered many of them, 

Indian and French Wars. 217 

alleging that they were all rebels, for proclaiming the Prince 
of Orange their king. And, with others, Major Davis was 
carried captive to Canada. 

This destruction falling on Casco, the garrisons at Papoo- 
dack, Spurwink, Black Point and Blue Point, drew off, with- 
out orders, to Saco, twenty miles from Cased, and in a few 
days to Wells; and about half Wells drew off to Lieutenant 
Storer's. Some of the Indians lurking about, had a small 
skirmish with Captain Sherburn. They appeared the next 
Lord's day at Newichawannik, now Berwick, where they 
burnt some houses and slew one man; and at a small ham- 
let on the south side of Piscataqua river, the people being 
too secure, and ungarrisoned, a place then called Fox Point, 
besides burning several houses, they killed more than a 
dozen, and carried six captive, — though some of them, or 
some others, were rescued out of their hands by Captain 
Floyd and Captain Greenleaf, who made a considerable 
slaughter on the enemy, and wounded that monster of cru- 
elty, Hope-Hood, before-mentioned. He, finding it danger- 
ous staying any longer in that quarter of the country, took 
his course westward with his company to a place called 
Aquadocta, in order to draw a tribe of Indians dwelling 
there into his assistance. But in their march they fell in 
with another crew of Indians, and through a mistake engag- 
ed each other, supposing they were enemies. Several were 
killed in the action, before they discovered their mistake. 
Among others this tiger, Hope-Hood, was slain, not by the 
English, which might be ordered in the providence of God, 
to keep them from glorying in the victory they had obtained 
on this remarkable incendiary of mischief and cruelty ; there- 
fore he must fall by the fury of his own friends and confed- 
erates in the direful tragedies committed by them on many 
poor innocents and others their captives, when unable to 
travel under heavy loads laid on them. 

In the mean time, a party of Indians came upon a small 
and helpless place near Spruce Creek, so called, and killed 
one man and carried a woman captive; and though Captain 
Convers pursued them three days, he could not overtake 

On July 4, eight or nine men went out to work in the 
field near to a place called Lampereel river, when the In- 
dians fell on them and slew all of them, and made it a field 

218 Niks' s History of the 

of blood, where none escaped, except the carrying a lad 

On the 4th of July, a Court was called at Portsmouth, in 
New Hampshire government, and it was agreed to send 
Captain Wiswel, with a considerable scout, to scour the 
woods as far asCasco, and determined to send with him one 
of the other captains, with fourscore stout and able men. 
There being several captains, they were stirred up with such 
emulation, that every one of them seemed ambitious of the 
service, so that they cast lots to determine which of them 
should go with Captain Wiswel ; and the lot fell on Cap- 
tain Floyd, and that Lieutenant Davis should take a detach- 
ment of 22 men from Wells. They took their march from 
Quochecho, into the woods ; but the day following the ene- 
my beset Captain Hilton's garrison at Exeter. Lieutenant 
Bancroft being then posted at Exeter, relieved the garrison, 
with the loss of six of his men. There happened at this 
time a very remarkable instance of the interposition of di- 
vine providence, which is this. One Simon Stone, who was 
wounded with shot in nine several places, and lay for dead 
among the dead, — the Indians coming to scalp them, found 
some life remaining in him. Whereupon with a hatchet one 
of them fetched two strokes on his neck to cut off his head, 
which we may conclude added two more wounds to the nine 
he had before received ; at all which wounds tne life of this 
poor man seemed to be running out, from the flow of blood 
issuing from the several parts of his body. But Lieutenant 
Bancroft charged so hard upon them that they ran away 
without scalping him or carrying away his head, as they in- 
tended. The English, coming to bury the dead, perceived 
him to breathe and fetch a gasp, which one of the soldiers 
observed, and acquainted the company thereof. There be- 
ing an Irish fellow among them, advised to give him another 
dab with a hatchet, and bury him with the rest. But the 
other soldiers, abhorring the motion, raised this poor man up 
a little and gave him some fair water, at which he coughed; 
then they gave him a small quantity of spirituous liquor, 
upon which he opened his eyes. This Irish fellow was sent 
to fetch a canoe to carry the wounded men up the river to a 
chirurgeon ; and as he was drawing the canoe to the shore 
with the cock of his gun, holding the muzzle in his hand, 
his gun went off and broke his arm, whereof he remained a 

Indian and French Wars. 219 

cripple, I suppose to the day of his death. But Simon Stone 
was thoroughly cured, and lived many years, a hearty, 
strong and active man ; and as he was born with two 
thumbs on one hand, his neighbors were ready to conclude 
that he had as many hearts as thumbs. It may be sufficient 
matter of conviction by this, and some other inst<^ces here 
following, that God, who is the sovereign arbiter of life and 
death, has determined what wounds are mortal; and what 
are not so, as they are all ordered in his all-wise provi- 

On the one hand, a skilful anatomist, having made a great 
entertainment at his daughter's wedding, in gathering up 
the fragments of the broken glass, a fragment of it scratched 
one of his fingers, which corrupted to that degree, that with 
all his skill it could not reach a cure, but cost him his life. 
And a scratch of a comb has proved mortal. Colonel Ros- 
iter, cracking a plum-stone with his teeth, brake one of 
them, which cost him his life. The Lord Fairfax, cutting a 
corn in his foot, cut asunder the thread of his life. And, if 
I am not misinformed, not many years past, Mr. Moses Bel- 
cher, of Braintree, lost his life by cutting a corn on his toe. 
Mr. Fowler, a vintner, in playing with his child, received a 
small scratch of a pin, which turned finally to a gangrene, 
which also proved his death ; and Deacon Hovey, of Wey- 
mouth, not long since, as he was eating some apple with 
milk, it met with some obstruction in the passages, which 
threw him into a grievous fit of coughing, which continued, 
without power to speak a word, and he died. Mrs. Gold, 
also of Weymouth, the wife of the aged Mr. John Gold, 
beforetime the widow of the very reverend Mr. Garner, 
formerly of Marshfield, having been under some bodily in- 
disposition, had an inclination to eat a clam or two, which 
she did ; it immediately set her into vomiting, which soon 
issued in her death. 

But then, when we turn our eye on the other hand, w T e 
shall find memorable salvations wrought in the providence 
of God ; for some that appear to human understanding to be 
so mortally wmmded as to despair of life, yet have been 
recovered, as superadded instances to that of Simon Stone, 
already mentioned, will prove. Several that have been 
miserably mangled, scalped, and left for dead by the barba- 
rity of the Indians, and the French, their instigators, have 

220 . Niks' s History of the 

recovered. The Indians, making an assault upon Deerfield, 
one of them struck a hatchet some inches into a boy's head 
there, and so deep among the bones of his skull, that the boy 
felt the Indian forced with a wrench to get out his hatchet ; 
he was found weltering in his blood, and part of his brains 
issuing out of the wound ; and so it continued for a space of 
time, as often as the wound was opened for dressing, some 
of his brains issued out. Another instance in the former 
war, — one Jabez Musgrove was shot with a bullet that went 
in at his ear, and went out at his eye at the contrary side of 
his head, and a brace of bullets that went in at his right side 
a little above his hip, and passing through his body within 
his back bone, went out at his left side; yet he recovered, 
and lived many years after. One John Dier, while he lived 
in the eastward part of the country in the former war, was 
wounded in seven several parts of his body at once, by a 
volley of shot from the Indians, yet recovered, and lived 
many years after to considerable old age ; whom I knew in 
Braintree. Two others I knew at Block Island, that were 
wonderfully recovered, when mortally wounded in appear- 
ance. One, then a young woman, was struck through her 
shoulder with lightning, so that there was a free and open 
passage to syringe the wound, from the fore part to the 
hinder, and from thence back again to the fore part, as the 
person, a woman, that wrought the cure, told me. She liv- 
ed after to a great age, with the free use of that with her 
other limbs. The other was of an Indian man, that under 
some disgust, as it was said, at his wife, shot himself, put- 
ting the muzzle of his gun at thp pit of his stomach, and by 
some means pushing the trigger ; the gun went off, and the 
bullet went out at his back opposite to the place where it 
entered. This account I had from a credible author, who, 
as he told me, heard the report of the gun, and went imme- 
diately to the place to know the occasion, and found the 
poor fellow wallowing in his blood, and saw blood mixed 
with froth work out at his stomach and back every time he 
drew his breath; yet he recovered, and lived many years 
after, a hearty, strong and able-bodied man. This cure was 
made also by the same skilful woman that God improved as 
an instrument of healing the young woman before mention- 
ed. This tragedy was acted some years before I was born, 
yet I knew him many years after, (his name, as I remember, 

Indian and French Wars. 221 

was Woyacuto), and after saw the scar in his stomach 
where the bullet entered, which was in circumference larger 
than an English crown. God hath made his wonderful works 
to be remembered, and they are sought out by all them 
that take pleasure therein. . 

I hope, therefore, my reader will not take it amiss, if in 
this digression, another instance of God's marvellous power 
and goodness be related here, which is indeed very memo- 
rable. Captain James Sands, of Block Island, of whom I 
had occasion to make mention before, had four sons, all liv- 
ing at Block Island, until the island was infested, and plun- 
dered twice by French privateers ; after which the three 
elder brothers removed to Long Island, and settled there, 
(from whom I had the narrative of what I am now writing), 
namely, Captain John Sands, Mr. James, and Samuel Sands, 
each of them leaving a farm at Block Island, which they 
stocked with sheep, and were wont to come once a year at 
their shearing-time on the island, to carry off their wool and 
what fat sheep there were at that time, and market at New 
York. Upon this design, they were all coming together, 
some time in the beginning of June, and as near as I can 
remember, in the year 1702, one of them bringing a little 
daughter, about seven years of age, in a new vessel he had 
built, designing to leave the child with his mother for some 
time, Mrs. Sarah Sands, the famous doctor I spake of before, 
who was then living, a widow; and several Indian servants 
were in the forecastle or fore part of the vessel, which was 
enclosed, but there was no bulk-head abaft, where these 
gentlemen were sitting together. There was also a quan- 
tity of wheat in the hold under the deck, which lay partly 
at the lower part of the mast. As they were sailing down 
the Sound, as it is called, between Long Island and the 
main land, under an easy, pleasant gale of wind, they ob- 
served a dark, threatening cloud gathering in the northwest. 
Apprehending a sudden gust of wind, they pulled down 
their sails, as they saw at a distance also a rippling of the 
water, — and it proved accordingly. But the cloud scatter- 
ed, and the gust went over, and they hoisted their sails and 
proceeded in their course as before. After a short time the 
cloud gathered again, and being apprehensive of a like sud- 
den gust, they lowered their sails ; and it proved as they 
expected, and they again proceeded on their voyage with a 

222 Niles's History of the 

fair and easy gale. But in a space of time the cloud gath- 
ered the third time, and appeared more terrible, threatening 
an extraordinary tempest ; upon which they lowered their 
sails, as they had twice before. And it proved very terrible, 
with thunder, lightning, rain and wind, with stress and un- 
common violence. At length there came a loud clap of 
thunder with sharp lightning, and struck on the top of their 
mast; and the lightning ran down into the hold of the vessel 
to the step of the mast, and then suddenly started upward ; 
and they saw apparently the wheat that lay near the mast 
fly each way from it, and seemed to disperse ; but it soon 
gathered into a round solid body, as big, or bigger, than a 
man's fist, and in that form flew to one side of the vessel, 
and then broke with an extraordinary loud noise as of hard 
thunder, and then seemed to scatter; but then gathered into 
the like form as before, and flew to the other side of the 
vessel, and broke with the like mighty noise, and dispersed; 
but gathered the third time, and flew back to the other side, 
where it made a hole between wind and water, and disap- 
peared. The child, before mentioned, lay all this time 
asleep, while the lightning passed forward and backward 
over it, as has been related, without the least hurt, when her 
father, and uncles with him, that beheld the lightning in its 
motions and operations, as plainly as to see from one side 
of a room to the other, concluded she was struck dead as 
she lay. Nor were any hurt in the vessel, except these 
men's eyes were so sore they scarcely could see when they 
came to the island, — where I then was, and from them 
received the narrative, as here is related, of this wonderful 
salvation God wrought for them. They also told me, that 
after the tempest was over to admit of their getting up on 
the deck, they found their mast so split and shattered as 
rendered it useless, and constrained them to run into the 
next harbor they could make, and furnish themselves with a 
jury-mast (as it is called), to prosecute their voyage ; and 
that the splinters of their mast lay round their vessel on the 
top of the water. 

The next Lord's day I took occasion to preach in their 
hearing, from the words of our Saviour, concerning the ten 
lepers, " Were there not ten cleansed, hut where are the ninel" 
from whence was shown, that there are but few found re- 
turning to God with sincere, thankful acknowledgments for 

Indian and French Wars. 223 

memorable and next to miraculous deliverances (as this was) 
when ordered to them under the wonderful interposition and 
direction of divine providence. 

Since we are entered on this awful subject of thunder and 
lightning, I shall add but one instance more here, of the 
remarkable preservation, in this case, granted to Captain 
Wright, of Colchester in Connecticut, as he related it to me 
several years past, (who I suppose is yet living), and a space 
of time after he experienced the salvation I am about to re- 
late. In going into his pasture for his horse, he observed a 
cloud gathered very black. Suspecting rain coming speedi- 
ly on, as soon as he had got his horse, he immediately sprung 
upon his back, and made all possible haste to his house; 
bu,t it reached him before he could reach his house. He 
therefore sprung off suddenly at his door, stepping into the 
entry, holding the bridle in his hands. Before he had stood 
there long, there came a sharp clap of thunder and lightning 
and struck through his bridle reins, leaving a hole. I am 
not certain that it killed his horse, but it struck the covering 
of his entry, and through the back part of his hat, leaving a 
hole in it also ; and the lightning ran down his back to the 
parting of his body, and then divided, one part running 
down on the back side of one thigh, and part on the other, 
and down his legs into his shoes, leaving a red streak where 
it passed, burst open his shoes, and melted one or both of 
his silver buckles he had on, which he showed me ; and also 
told me that the streaks dow^n -his back, thighs, and back 
parts of his legs were then remaining, and that he felt no 
sensible effects of it, but in his feet, which had probably stag- 
nated the blood, and prevented its genuine circulation, so 
that wherever he walked, though on a rock, it seemed as if 
he were going on sand. 

Thus God sometimes makes small wounds mortal, and 
then again, on the other hand, when he pleases, heals and 
recovers from those that appear to human sense mortal and 
incurable, and saves some under most visible, imminent 
danger, as in the instances above mentioned, and many 
others that might be produced of the like kind. 

It is time to return, and take a further view of the In- 
dian massacres, and French in conjunction, committed on 
the English people in the eastern and other parts of the 

224 Niles's History of the 

country, as they come in course; which is the principal de- 
sign of this historical narrative. 

July 6, Captain Wiswel and Captain Floyd sent their 
scouts early in the morning, to see whether they could dis- 
cover any track of the enemy. They soon returned with 
tidings of a large track they had found leading westward. 
The forces vigorously pursued them, and overtook them at a 
place called Wheelwright's Pond ; and there ensued a 
bloody engagement, wherein Captain Wiswel, and his Lieu- 
tenant, Flagg, and Sergeant Walker, were slain, and 15 of 
our men also were slain, and more wounded. Captain 
Floyd continued the fight for several hours, until his tired 
and wounded men drew off, and he not long after. Of the 
wounded there died about a dozen. Captain Convers came 
with 20 men to bury the dead, and found seven men alive 
among them ; these he brought early in the morning to 
the hospital. It is uncertain whether any of them died 
of their wounds afterwards or not. Captain Foot fell into 
the enemy's hands ; him they tortured to death the same 
week at Amesbury, where they made a descent, and killed 
three persons, and then made off, leaving behind a consid- 
erable part of their plunder, having also burnt three houses. 

The enemy growing numerous, and threatening further 
mischiefs, the government of the Massachusetts, with Ply- 
mouth, agreed to raise some new forces, and send them, 
under the command of Major Church, to demolish their forts 
and break up their head-quarters. About 300 men were 
sent away, in the beginning of September, upon this design. 
They landed by night at Casco Bay, at a place then called 
Macquoit, and marched by night also toPechypscot fort, which 
was deserted by the Indians. They then marched to Amo- 
noscoggin fort, about forty miles up the river, passing through 
many difficulties ; among, which, wading over a branch of 
the river was not the least. Going toward the fort, they 
met with four or five Indians, with two English captives ; 
these they recovered, but the Indians made their escape. 
On the Lord's day, they got up to the fort undiscovered, 
but found only 21 of the Indians in it, of whom they took 
and slew 20, and rescued five captives. Here they found 
some plunder, and laid the fort in ashes. The Captain of 
the fort's name was Agamcus, alias Great Tom, by the Eng- 
lish. These motions of the English forces terrified this 

Indian and French Wars. 225 

Tom so that he scared his countrymen into a sudden flight, 
and by this means one Anthony Bracket had liberty to make 
his escape fourscore miles another way to Macquoit, where 
one of our vessels through carelessness was got aground ; 
which was w r ell for him, otherwise he was in danger of 
falling a second time into the enemy's hands. This Mr. 
Bracket was improved in service in pursuing them that had 
been the murderers of his father. 

The forces coming to Winter Harbor, a party of men 
were sent up the river, where they met with some of the 
enemy, killed some of them and took most of their arms and 
stores, and recovered an English captive, who acquainted 
them the enemy w r ere designed to rendezvous at Pechyp- 
scot plain ; upon which, without delay, they reimbarked 
for Macquoit. They were also informed that the enemy's 
purpose was to make an attempt on the town of Wells ; 
therefore they hastened their march to Pechypscot plain, — 
but not finding the Indians, as they expected, taking some 
more plunder, they returned to Casco harbor. The enemy, 
it seems, dogged the army, observing their motions ; and in 
the night fell on some of them that were too remiss in pro- 
viding for their own safety, and killed five men of Plymouth, 
who lodged in a house without commanders or sentinels. 
But as soon as it was day, the army pursued them, on the 
Lord's day, September 21, killed some of them ; the rest 
took their flight. The army took some of their canoes, and 
ammunition, and the best of their clothing and furniture for 
winter, The army was after this dismissed, leaving only a 
hundred men, under the command of Captain Convers, and 
Lieutenant Plaisted, to scout in the woods ; and, if possible, 
to prevent the enemy annoying any of the towns by surprise. 

Some time after this, the Indians came w r ith a flag of truce 
to Wells, desiring peace. The English were also tired 
with the charge and fatigues of war, and were willing to 
forward the motion. Major Hutchinson and Captain Town- 
send were sent from Boston, to be joined with some gentle- 
men in Wells. At last a meeting was appointed and obtain- 
ed, November 29, 1691, where the captives were all to be 
brought, and delivered up at the garrison in Wells. I should 
have noted, that their meeting was at Sagadahock, Novem- 
ber 23, before the signing of articles, when the redemption 
of ten captives was completed ; among whom was one Mrs, 

226 Niks' s History of the 

Hull, whom they were unwilling to part with. She being a 
ready, good writer, they had improved her in the place of a 
secretary. Another was one Nathaniel White; him they 
had tied to a stake, and cut off one of his ears and made him 
eat it raw, intending afterwards to sacrifice his whole body 
to their rage in the flames. However, the articles were 
signed and sealed the 29th day, which was to continue until 
the 1st of May following; and then they promised to bring 
all the English captives in their hands, and deliver them 
up at the garrison in Wells. This instrument was signed 
by Edgeremet, and five more of their sagamores and chief 
men. But as these articles were not signed upon the firm 
land, but upon the water, in their canoes, so they proved 
as uncertain and fluctuating as the waves of the sea. For 
at the day appointed, there came to the place Mr. Danforth, 
Mr. Moody, Mr. Vaughan, and Mr. Brattle, guarded with a 
troop to defend them, if there were occasion. Tne Indians 
not appearing, Captain Convers had the courage to bring in 
some of them, who pretended they did not remember the time. 
The reason of their not appearing, probably was rather 
their seeing the guards these gentlemen had to attend them, 
which made these false-hearted salvages despair of accom- 
plishing their treacherous purpose to cut them all off, 
according to some of their former managements on like 
occasions, as the sequel will demonstrate. Yet they recov- 
ered two captives, with a promise that in twenty days they 
would bring all the rest. They waited two-and-twenty 
days ; but there was no appearance of their coming. Cap- 
tain Convers, willing to put himself under the best posture 
of defence, got a supply of 35 men from the county of Essex ; 
who had no sooner safely arrived there, but Moxus, that 
noted sagamore, with 200 Indians, made a furious assault on 
the garrison. Those recruits, coming thus in the nick of 
time, were, in the providence of God, made the instruments 
of saving the place. For Moxus, meeting with a vigorous 
repulse, soon drew off ; which gave occasion (as one of the 
captives who had learned their language after related), to 
Madokawando, another of their sachems, to say, "My 
brother has missed it now ; but I will go myself the next 
year, and have the dog Convers out of his hole." 

About this time the enemy killed two men at Berwick, 

Indian and French Wars. 227 

and two more at Exeter, and five out of nine, who were 
loading a vessel at Cape Nidduck. 

About the latter end of July, this year, new forces were 
raised and sent forth to suppress the enemy, under the com- 
mand of Captain March, Captain King, Captain Sherburn, 
and Captain Walter, (Captain Convers lying sick all sum- 
mer, which added to his grief that he could not be in action 
for the good of his country.) The forces landed at Macquoit, 
and from thence marched up to Pechypscot; but not finding 
any track of the Indians there, they returned back again to 
their vessels. But while the commanders were ashore, 
waiting for the soldiers to get aboard, the vessels then being 
aground, the Indians in great numbers came down upon 
them, and killed Captain Sherburn ; and though the com- 
manders wanted not for courage or conduct, yet they were 
forced to get aboard as last as they could. And they lay 
pelting at the English all the night ; which had this advan- 
tage in it, that having spent their ammunition, they were 
unable to fall on the Isle of Shoals, which was their intent. 
For the rest of the year, the French and Indians were inac- 
tive. Only on September 28, seven persons were murdered 
and captivated at Berwick ; and the day following, 21 at 
Sandy Beach. On October 23d, one Goodridge and his wife 
were killed at Rowley, and their children captived ; how 
many is now uncertain. And at Haverhill the like fate befel 
a family the day following. And this year, a strong fort at 
Cape Nidduck, belonging to a widow, was unhappily de- 
serted, and the enemy came and burnt the houses. 

More English blood spilt ! For on January 25, 1691, the 
enemy beset the town of York, where the inhabitants were 
too remiss, dwelling in unguarded houses, and scattered, 
were quiet and secure. But an Indian firing off a gun, which 
was their signal, alarmed the people ; and looking out, to 
their great amazement, found hundreds of Indians had in- 
vested their houses on every side. The Indians sent their 
summons to the garrisons to surrender, and though there 
were but two or three men in some of them, yet they did 
not dare to make an assault on them, but went off, when 
they had killed 50 and captived 100 of the miserable in- 
habitants. Among others they slew that excellent minis- 
ter of the town, Mr. Shubael Dummer, and carried his wife 
captive, who with grief and hardship soon died. What ag- 

228 Niks' s History of the 

gravated the sorrow of this good gentlewoman and the other 
captived spectators, was, that one of the Indians, the next 
Sabbath, put on Mr. Dummer's coat, and in an insulting 
manner pretended to preach. 

About this time, or not long after, a vessel was sent by 
some charitable people from the southward, to Sagadahock, 
to supply the necessities of the poor people in their distress- 
ed state ; and several of the captives taken from York were 
happily redeemed. The rest of the people in that broken 
town talked of drawing off ; but the government advised 
to their stay. The government sent Captain Convers and 
Captain Greenleaf with such encouragement that prevailed 
with them to stand their ground. In February Major Hutch- 
inson was made commander in chief, and the forces under 
Captain Convers, Captain Floyd and Captain Thaxter were 
by him so prudently posted on the frontiers, and kept up 
such a communication, that it was difficult for the enemy to 
make their approaches for mischief. However, Lieutenant 
Wilson, hearing that a man was shot at Quochecho, went 
out upon a scout with 18 men, and killed all the company 
but one man, that made his escape with a whole skin. 

But now Madokawando comes, according to his promise a 
twelve-month before, to pull Convers out of his hole ; and 
the cattle came, frighted and bleeding, out of the woods. 
Captain Convers immediately sent his orders to every quar- 
ter, and to the masters of the sloops then newly arrived ; 
they were commanded by Samuel Storer and James Gouge ; 
they, with their men, were very watchful all the night. The 
next morning, before daylight, one John Diamond, a stran- 
ger who came on a visit, came to Captain Convers's garri- 
son ; they invited him in, but he chose to go aboard the 
shallop he came in, which was but a little more than a gun- 
shot distant. The French and Indians issued out of their 
lurking-places, and seizing this poor man, hauled him away 
by his hair, though they used all possible means from the 
garrison to rescue him, but were not able. The General of 
the enemy's army was Monsieur Portneuf, and Monsieur La- 
bocree was one of their principal commanders. The enemy 
said he was the Lieutenant-General of the army; and there 
were divers other Frenchmen of quality among them. The 
Indian sagamores in conjunction, were Madokawando, 
Moxus, and Egeremet, and Worombo, with several others 

Indian and French Wars. 229 

of note among them. The army consisted of about 500 
fighting men, which assaulted the garrison with but 15 men 
in it, and 15 more in the sloops, which were open vessels. 
Upon their examining this poor Diamond, he, through a mis- 
take (as was supposed) told them of thirty instead of fifteen. 
They immediately fell upon dividing the persons and plun- 
der, and agreed, that such an English captain should be 
slave to such a one of the company, and such a gentleman 
in the town should be servant to another, and this gentle- 
man's wife should be a waiting-maid to his squaw's ladyship, 
and Mr. Wheelwright (after a counsellor in the province) 
should be such a netop's servant, and the vessels and their 
cargoes to be parted among them; and then, with a hideous 
shout and violent firing, they made an attack on the garri- 
son. But a little before this, a man habited like a gentle- 
man made a speech in English, assuring them if they fought 
courageously, all was their own. The English in the gar- 
rison sent them such a volley of shot that made them retire, 
purposing to spend the remainder of their fury on the sloops 
that lay in the harbor. Now Wells' harbor (as 'tis said) is 
rather a creek than a river ; it is very narrow, and in places 
dry at low water. Nevertheless, it is deep where the ves- 
sels ride, but so near that the Indians could throw mud with 
their hands on board the vessels. The enemy lay behind 
the banks and a stack of hay and a quantity of plank that 
was there, much out of danger, and their fire was so sharp 
as to set the vessels on fire. But they on board were so ac- 
tive as, with a swab, dipped in water, to extinguish it. One 
fellow came with a plank before him for his defence, but a 
bullet reached him through the plank, so that they both fell 
together, one as dead as the other. The sloops lay but a 
dozen rods from the shore. The people in the garrison, 
being but few, could not afford them any relief ; and the 
enemy finding that their fire-arrows did not answer their 
purpose in firing the sloops, they fetched a cart out of the 
woods, and put a considerable quantity of hay, into it, de- 
signing to push it towards the sloops, that the tide and wind 
might carry it to the vessels, and set them on fire. But as 
they were pushing it forward, one of the wheels sunk in the 
mud. One of them ran hastily to lift it up and set it a-going, 
but Storer with a shot laid him dead on the spot. Another 
attempting the like, Storer sent him after his fellow ; and 

230 Niks' 8 History of the 

the tide rising, their flaming engine was soon overset, by 
which means those that were behind it became a fair mark 
to the English in the sloops, and they improved the oppor- 
tunity by making a considerable slaughter. After this they 
made a new assault on the garrison, which was still gallant- 
ly defended. One of the soldiers spake of surrendering it, 
but the Captain protested "He would lay the man dead that 
he heard mutter that base word any more." The women 
in the garrison acted their part in this engagement with an 
Amazonian spirit and courage, not only in supplying the 
men with ammunition as they wanted, but firing off the guns 
as there was occasion. 

The enemy being thus bravely repulsed, returned again 
to the sloops, and making three shouts, they fired on them 
as they lay lashed together, and killed one of the English- 
men. The enemy sent a flag of truce to the garrison to 
surrender, and made the like proposals to them in the sloops, 
under plausible pretences ; but they were rejected. Upon 
which they made a firework about 18 or 20 feet square, and 
filled with combustible matter, set it on fire and pushed it 
off, expecting the tide would carry it to the sloops and set 
them on fire. This poor distressed company, having the 
enemy pelting them from the shore, and this mighty fire- 
work floating on them by the tide, could, by human view, 
see nothing but death, with all its amazing appearances, 
coming upon them. But in the midst of this perplexity, 
when some thought it best to surrender, God, that has the 
command of the wind, caused it to shift, and this machine 
was driven to the contrary shore, and by this they wonder- 
fully were delivered. After they had killed some cattle, 
they drew off, leaving some of their dead behind, among 
whom was their French Lieutenant-General Labocree, with 
a whole pouch full of pardons, relics and indulgences. But 
it seems that none of the amulets, though finely printed and 
placed together about his neck, were able to save him from 
the stroke of death, by a mortal wound in his head. When 
they found they were defeated in their intended enterprises 
on the garrison and sloops, they drew off to a plain, out of 
the reach of the guns in the garrison. They began to exercise 
their more, if possible, diabolical rage and fury on John 
Diamond, who was, as before is mentioned, going from the 
garrison. They first stripped him naked and scalped him 

Indian and French Wars. 231 

alive. They castrated him, and finished that article, and 
then seared the parts wounded with a hot iron; and slit his 
hands up from between his fingers, and likewise his feet be- 
tween his toes. They cut off the flesh in the fleshy part of 
his body, and rubbed the wounds with firebrands ; and some 
of them were sticking in the wounds when he was found. 

Sir William Phipps being Governor of the Massachusetts, 
in order to defend the eastern parts of the government 
against the rage and insolence of the French and Indians, 
at Pemmaquid he built a fort of stone, according to instruc- 
tions at Whitehall, in a quadrangular figure, beautiful and 
strong, for which purpose he raised about 450 men, and 
partly to guard the country. The fort was about 737 feet 
in compass, and 108 feet square, with near or full out 13 
guns mounted, whereof six were 18-pounders. Captain 
Wing and Captain Bancroft commenced, and Captain March 
finished the work. But it continued not long ; the charge 
of maintaining it was so much complained of, that in the 
year or before 1696, this costly fort was demolished. The 
name of the fort was William Henry. 

In July, on the north side Merrimack river, the Indians 
killed several men in their meadows. Major Church about 
this time took five Indians at Penobscot ; and, going to Ta- 
conet, the Indians discovering him, burnt their fort and fled. 
He with his men destroyed their corn. 

Thus ended the year 1692, except a strange and inexpli- 
cable occurrence that happened this year at Gloucester, 
upon good and authentic testimony from several persons of 
undoubted veracity and credit, given upon oath. This story 
would be too long here to relate in all the circumstances of 
it. It may therefore be sufficient that I acquaint my reader, 
that in the month of July this year, there appeared several 
men, as they that saw them apprehended, not together, but 
sometimes one only, at other times two or three together, 
and once about a dozen in company, and heard them talk- 
ing one to another. They appeared sometimes in the habit 
of Frenchmen, and sometimes others of them as Indians. 
They heard them stamping in the night about the garrison. 
Several men shot at them, and they were seen to fall down 
as dead ; but when those that supposed they had killed them 
came near the place, they would either disappear, or stand 
up and run away ; and though tney ran over muddy places, 

232 Niks' s History of the 

they left no track behind them. They appeared with guns, 
and twice shot at those who pursued them. One Ebenezer 
Bapson, being in the woods alone, heard the report of a gun 
fired by one of these spectres, or whatever they were, and 
heard a bullet whistle by his ear, which cut off the limb of 
a pine bush near to him, and lodged in a hemlock tree, 
which was after cut out, and preserved a long time, if not to 
this day. For the truth of these strange occurrences, we 
have the testimony of this Bapson, Day, Hammond, Ellery, 
Dolliver, who with others fired at them, but to no purpose. 

Upon the rumor of these molestations the people of Glou- 
cester were laboring under, Major Appleton ordered 50 men 
to march to their assistance. (This gentleman, I suppose, 
was father to the late honorable Judge Appleton, Esq., of 
Ipswich.) These men coming to the place, and understand- 
ing the troublers of this people were invulnerable, after all 
the attempts that had been made, thought it fruitless to pursue 
them, and returned ; and these appearances disappearing, 
left the town in its wonted peace and tranquillity. Who, or 
what these appearances were, and from whence or for what 
purpose they came, I leave every one to judge as he pleases. 

To return to the war with the French and Indians, prin- 
cipally intended in this history. Captain Convers, that had 
hitherto acted under this character remarkably, not only 
to annoy but destroy great numbers of the enemy, in de- 
fending the remote and exposed settlements in the east, 
had, in the year 1693, a Major's commission given him by 
the Lieutenant-Governor, together with the superior com- 
mand of all the forces in that part of the country, with orders 
to draw off the most able and active of his officers and sol- 
diers, and cause about 350 more to be levied and joined with 
them under his command, in order to scour the woods, 
which he did to good effect. For whilst Major Convers 
was at Wells, he heard of some Indians seen in the woods ; 
he immediately marched in quest of them, and surprised and 
took them all ; and hearing also that they had lately cut off 
a family at Oyster river, paid some of their chiefs in their 
own coin, and slew them. This family consisted, we may 
conclude, of four or fi\e persons at least, if no more. Then 
going to Pemmaquid, and doing some service there, sailed 
up Sheepscott river, and then marched to Taconet, which 
was deserted by the enemy. After long and tedious trav- 

Indian and French Wars. 233 

els through the wood, and finding no Indians, he returned 
with his forces to Saco, where a fort was built under the 
care and direction of the worthy Major Hook and Captain 
Hill, which was a great annoyance to the heathen in those 
parts. About this time tidings came that straggling Indians 
had done mischief at Quaboag, then a new settlement on 
the road leading to the westernmost towns of the Massachu- 
setts government. Upon which a party of men from Con- 
necticut sallied out in search of them, and finding their 
track, followed them to a swamp, where they apprehended 
themselves secure, killed the most of them, and recovered 
the captives, with some plunder, and then returned, with 
great applause from the people, and, it is hoped, with an 
answerable reward for the good service they had done. 

But now it may be questioned, whether it was reasonable 
of Major Convers with his men scouring the woods and 
killing some of the enemy, or the building the fort at Saco, 
before-mentioned, or for fear of the Maquas, a powerful 
people in the West, now I suppose known by the name of 
the Mohawks and Senekas, who were in that day a dread 
and terror to all the heathen tribes throughout the country, 
as they were deemed by all far and near, that were of their 
color, the most warlike of all the Indians through the land ; 
for it was reported by some that had accompanied these 
rovers in their marches and depredations abroad, that they 
had killed, at the lowest computation, more than two mil- 
lions of Indians in the other sagamoreships, they being 
earlier furnished with fire-arms than the other nations more 
distant, toward the Mississippi river, and other remote parts 
beyond them. But that which most feelingly affected them 
at this time was, that the French at Canada were not able 
to supply them with ammunition, and other things they 
needed to carry on the war. Therefore the Indians, under 
their usual plausible pretentions, sued for a peace. The 
Province having been fatigued in a long and expensive war, 
and fearing the consequence, were, perhaps, too ready to 
give a listening ear to the motion, notwithstanding the 
repeated proofs of their perfidious infidelity and designed 
treachery against the English, and the more so probably, if 
possible, as they were under ' the direction, influence, and 
delusion, we may conclude, of the French, and their emis- 

234 Niles's History of the 

saries residing among them, as the sequel will soon prove, 
when we come to it. 

However, a peace, such as it was, was soon patched up, 
when the agent on our part had sufficient reason to suspend 
the affair, from a flagrant instance of the falsehood of these 
Indians, in the very time of this transaction, who had, in the 
beginning of this overture, promised to bring, and deliver 
up all the English captives then in their hands ; but brought 
none of them, but with some idle excuses colloquy'd our 
agents into a compliance and ratification of a peace, though 
very short-lived. And, by the way, I think it may be 
remarked with lamentation, that the English ministry, pleni- 
potentiaries at home in our nation, and agents in this and 
the foreign plantations, have given amazing proofs, that they 
have not only disserved, but manifestly betrayed the English 
interests into the hands of the French ; which may put the 
Parliament upon proper caution for the future, to interest 
such only in these important concernments to the nation, who 
have sufficiently approved themselves faithful to their king 
and country, and approved patriots, of the true faith and 
Protestant cause. And, if I may be allowed to speak my 
mind freely, in which I am not alone, with regard to the 
Indians in the French interest, as some thousands of pounds 
have been expended fruitlessly, to gain and secure their 
friendship, therefore instead of those wonted bounties and 
gratuities, to follow the direction and charge laid on the 
children of Israel concerning the Amelakites, not to come 
into any terms of peace, but maintain a war with them from 
generation to generation ; which doubtless would conduce 
to the safety and comfort of the English, more than all the 
gifts that may be multiplied. 

This peace was come into, August 11th, 1693, when Sir 
William Phipps was governor of the Province. But as the 
design of it was only in show and pretence, I shall not 
trouble my reader with the articles then subscribed unto by 
the Indians. There were hostages delivered up to the 
English for security ; but whether by the clemency or 
groundless credulity of the Province, or by the escape of 
the hostages, which is now uncertain, it gave the Indians 
an opportunity too soon to vi-olate their pretended solemn 
engagements, as we shall quickly find. The names of the 
hostages were Ahassombamett, brother to Edgeremett, 

Indian and French Wars. 235 

Wenongahewitt, cousin to Madokawando, and Edgeremett, 
and Bagatawawongon, also Sheepscott John; these were 
delivered as pledges of their fidelity. All I shall farther 
take notice of with relation to this peace, will be the names 
of those sachems or sagamores, who signed to the several 
articles of this treaty, that the memory of these monsters 
of cruelty may not be forgotten in the annals of New-Eng- 
land. Their names were, Edgeremett, Madokawando, 
Wassambomet, of Navidgwock, Wenobson, of Teconet, in 
behalf of Moxus, Ketterramogis of Norridgewock, Ahanquit 
of Penobscot, Bomaseen, Nitamemet, Webenes, Awanso- 
meck, Robin Doney, Madaumbis, and Paquaharet. 

That this peace was concerted, and pursued upon false 
and treacherous designs on the part of the French and 
Indians, is evident, for they, in the beginning of this over- 
ture, promised to resign up the English prisoners they then 
had under their command, as before is shown, but soon after, 
if not before, they concerted measures to make a descent on 
some of the most defenceless settlements in the out-parts of 
the Province, which was openly talked of in the streets of 
Quebec in May following, as some of the English captives 
there after related ; and before the year expired was put in 
execution, contrary to their plausible, though but only pre- 
tended solemn engagements, without any just provocation 
given, that we know of. Upon which purpose the French 
priests gave the sacrament, to bind them the more strongly 
to the speedy performance. Accordingly on the eighteenth 
of July, 1694, a great number of the French and Indians, 
about the break of day, fell furiously on a place then call- 
ed Oyster river, and killed and captivated 94 persons. 
About a score of them belonged to the trained band in the 
town. Upon a moderate computation we may safely con- 
clude, that the greatest part by far of this number were 
either slain upon the spot or after in their captivity, as the 
method of these heathens, and their abettors, is to kill those 
of their victims that were not able to travel, women and 
children, and others, either in their fury or frolics. I shall 
therefore upon this presumption, venture to set down 70 
of this people slain in this expedition of the enemy at 
Oyster river, which if any can disprove, I shall not be 
offended, but gratified. Some of the poor people in town 
betook themselves to flight, and escaped this terrible shock 

236 Niks' 's History of the 

and bloody massacre ; but none with more courage and 
bravery than one Thomas Bickford, whose house was but 
slightly palisadoed, by the river side, having no man in it 
but himself. He with dexterity immediately sent his wife, 
mother, and children down the river in a canoe, and labored 
to defend himself in his house, which was assaulted by the 
enemy. But he artfully, by shifting his clothes, and some- 
times with a hat, and then a cap, deceived them. Supposing 
there were many in the house, they finally withdrew and 
left him, when many others, better qualified for defence, 
under fair but false promises, no sooner surrendered but 
were barbarously butchered to death ; and the wife of one 
Adams, being with child, was in a cruel and inhuman man- 
ner ripped up. Mrs. Ursula Cutt, widow of Mr. John Cutt, 
who was formerly president of New Hampshire, was killed, 
and three more on the south side of Piscataqua river, but 
about a mile distant from the town. 

July 27th, the French and Indians fell upon Groton and 
killed twenty people, and carried a dozen captive. Mr. 
Gershom Hobart, the minister there, narrowly escaped their 
fury, with the most of his family. They took two of his 
children; one they killed, and the other afterward was res- 
cued out of his captivity. 

On August 20, three killed at Spruce Creek, and another 
at York, and a lad with him taken captive. August 24, 
eight killed or taken at Kittery. Here a little girl, about 
seven years old, was taken by them, and knocked on the 
head and scalped. She lay on the ground as dead, all the 
night, but revived in the morning, and lived many years, 
but could not bear her broken skull closed. She was the 
daughter of one Mr. Downing. He had another daughter 
that after fell into their hands, and she at this time narrowly 

Mr. Joseph Pike, of Newbury, a sheriff, with one Long, 
were both slain as they were travelling from Amesbury to 
Haverhill, September 4. 

On November 19, Bomaseen, that had been remarkable 
for his cruelties, with two other Indians, came to Pemma- 
quid under a pretence of condolence for the mischiefs that 
had been done, (who was a principal actor in them, as was 
well known by all that had an acquaintance with his conduct 

Indian and French Wars, 237 

towards poor captives). He was there seized and sent to 
Boston, and put in prison with his companions. 

The Indians, in passing through Casco, now deserted, 
wanting provisions for their necessary support, found some 
horses in captain Bracket's orchard. The squaws, now near 
famished, desired some of them might be killed to satisfy 
their hunger. The Indians drove them into a pond, and 
catched one of them. A young fellow among them desired 
to be set on horseback to ride, and that he might not fall off, 
proposed that his feet might be tied fast under the horse's 
belly, which was accordingly done. The mettlesome steed 
set out upon a run, and they saw him no more, nor could 
they find but one leg of the rider, which, according to their 
heathenish, hideous manner of lamentation, they mourned 
over, and buried it in Captain Bracket's cellar. He was 
the son of one Hegon, famous among the French and In- 
dians. To return. 

Some time passed without any remarkable acts of hostili- 
ties, excepting the taking of two soldiers, which unhappily 
fell into their hands, belonging to Saco garrison. One they 
killed, and the other they carried off, 

Some time after this, in March, 1695, a great mortality 
prevailed among the Indians, which carried off many of them. 
At length, through the mediation of old Sheepscott John, 
(once under the character of a praying Indian, and one of 
the excellent Mr. Eliot's catechumens, now turned pagan and 
popish apostate), a great fleet of canoes came to an island 
about a league from the fort at Pemmaquid, — before some 
things above mentioned, — viz. May 20, 1693. Tarrying 
there on the Lord's day, on Monday morning they sent to 
the English for another treaty, and declared their design 
was to exchange prisoners, and renew the peace they had 
so lately broken. They immediately delivered up eight 
captives, and a truce or cessation of arms was agreed on for 
thirty days. Colonel John Phillips, Lieutenant-Colonel Haw- 
thorn, and Major Convers were appointed commissioners to 
transact in this affair ; who met accordingly, to treat with 
the Indians at Pemmaquid. The commissioners, for very 
good reason, refused to enter upon any new propositions of 
peace, until the English prisoners were delivered up, ac- 
cording to former agreement. The Indians, discontented 
that their beloved Bomaseen was left behind at Boston, 

238 Niks'* History of the 

broke off the conference, and thus the treaty at this time 
ended ; and although orders were sent to the people in the 
eastern parts to stand upon a strict guard, yet, June 6, one 
Major Hammond, of Kittery, fell into the Indians' hands, 
and was carried to Canada, and redeemed by Count Fron- 
tenac, the governor, by whom he was civilly treated, and 
after some time he returned to New-England, with about 
30 English prisoners. 

In August the house of one Rogers, in Billerica, was 
plundered, where fifteen persons were killed or taken. We 
may reasonably conclude that nine at least of the number 
were killed. The Indians appearing on horseback, were 
not suspected till they surprized the house they came to. 
About this time Sergeant Haley, venturing too far out of the 
fort at Saco, was slain. On September 9th, Sergeant 
March and three others were killed by the Indians. 

October 7, the Indians entered the house of one John 
Brown, at Newbury, carrying away nine persons with 
them. But Captain Greenleaf, having intelligence thereof, 
speedily pursued them, and unhappily stumbling on them 
in the night, received a grievous wound from them, and 
they escaped over the river. The Captain, notwithstanding 
his wound, recovered all the captives ; but the Indians 
struck them with such violence on their heads at parting, 
that they broke their skulls, all but one lad among them; 
missing his head, they struck him on his shoulder ; all the 
rest lingered and died, about or within a year after, some 
sooner, others later, their brains working out of their 
wounds, which when means were used to close up, it threw 
them into distraction. 

About this time Captain March, petitioning to be dismiss- 
ed from his command of the fort at Pemmaquid, one Cap- 
tain Chub succeeded him. This Chub, on the sixteenth of 
February, in 1695, and in time of a truce, when some of the 
Indians came to the fort peaceably and under the appear- 
ances of friendship, took his opportunity with his men, and 
killed four of them, I cannot say in cool blood, as the phrase 
is commonly used. The Indians then killed were Edgere- 
mett, and Abenquid, two principal famous sagamores among 
the Indians, and two men. If I mistake not, this tragedy 
was acted on the Lord's day. 

May 7, 1695, one John Church, of Quochecho, that had 

Indian and French Wars. 239 

been a captive, escaped about seven years before, was killed 
by the Indians. On June 24, one Thomas Cole, of Wells, 
with his wife, were slain in their return with some of their 
relations from visiting their friends at York ; and on June 
26, within the confines of Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire, 
twelve were slain, several houses burned, and four persons 
taken, who were soon retaken, among whom was an ancient 
woman, scalped as dead, and doubtless they received from 
the French the full price of scalps, who hired them to act 
these tragedies on the English people. This woman never- 
theless recovered, and lived some years after. July 26, the 
people of Quochecho, returning from the public worship 
on the Lord's day, three of them were killed, three wound- 
ed, and three of them were carried prisoners to Penobscot. 
The last three were returned in about three weeks after. 

In the beginning of August this year, the French, having 
taken an English man-of-war, called the Newport, landed 
some of their men to assist the Indians. Chub, before 
named, whose name and memory ought to be treated with 
ignominious contempt in all after time in the annals of 
New-England, treacherously delivered up that fine fort at 
Pemmaquid, into their hands ; which cost the Province an 
immense sum to erect, fortify, furnish and maintain against 
the enemy * so long as it stood in its beauty and strength ; 
and when there were 95 men in the fort, double armed, and 
might have defended both it and themselves against a vastly 
greater number than were then their assailants, both of 
French and Indians. It was thought in that day, it might 
have been defended against nine times as many as were then 
in the fort. 

In the year 1696, if I mistake not, the honorable Lieu- 
tenant Governor Stoughton, who was then commander in 
chief over the Province, that he might take proper designs 
against the enemy, (who were wonderfully flushed up, and 
triumphed, as they had made themselves masters of this fort, 
that had been a bulwark of defence against them), he 
therefore equipped and sent out three men of war to scour 
the seas, who were disadvantaged by contrary winds that 
they came not timely to engage the French, that were now 
drawn off' ; and by land the French and Indians had posted 
themselves in such a manner as the people were unable to 
follow their business abroad. However, the lurking enemy 

240 Niles's History of the 

found opportunity to cut off ten or a dozen of the English 
in the fields, as they were at their labor, perhaps too care- 

The Lieutenant Governor sent out Colonel Gidney, with 
500 men ; but finding the enemy were drawn off, only 
strengthened the garrisons and returned. He also sent 
Colonel Hawthorn, with a number of soldiers and frigates, 
to St. John's, with orders to fetch from thence some great 
guns that were left there, and to join with Major Church, 
who was gone with forces to attack the fort at St. John's, 
where the French and Indians in the east harbored, and 
made it their head-quarters. But the season being difficult 
by reason of the cold, the winter then advancing, the sol- 
diers were discouraged, and after firing a few shot at the 
fort, they desisted from the enterprise. Not only then, but 
too often it has been found, that our New-England forces 
have been defeated in their designed expeditions against the 
enemy, by delaying their motions in the proper season, until 
winter comes on, and forbids a successful progress, and con- 
strains them either to remain in quarters, or make an igno- 
ble, dastardly retreat. 

Five soldiers belonging to Saco fort, who had timely 
warning of danger, and opportunity to escape, but not 
agreeing which way to take, at length took that way that 
led them into the hands of the enemy and were slain ; very 
much like what is said of squirrels, who are constrained, 
when a rattle-snake fixes his eye on them, by a sort of a 
charm, to run squeaking down the tree they are upon into 
his mouth. Here ends the slaughter of the enemy in the 
year 1696. 

In 1697, March 15, the enemy made a descent on the 
skirts of Haverhill, killing 30 persons, and, by the nearest 
computation, carrying off nine captive, and burnt six houses. 
One Hannah Dustan having lain in about a week, who had 
her nurse with her, one Mary Neff, a body of the Indians 
approached toward the house. Her husband, then in the 
field, with seven children, who were from two to seventeen 
years of age, ran to his house in order to apprize his wife 
of the danger ; but finding no way for her relief, return- 
ed to his children, and hastened their flight to the next 
garrison, about a mile distant. A party of Indians pursued 
him and fired on him, and he fired on them, and with much 

Indian and French Wars. 241 

difficulty and hazard got safe with his children to the gar- 
rison. In the mean time a party of the Indians rushed into 
the house. The nurse made an attempt to escape with the 
infant in her arms, but the Indians prevented her and 
brought her back, and ordered the woman to get up, which 
she did with a heart overwhelmed with grief ; and after 
they had rifled the house and set it on fire, the Indians led 
them away with half a score other captives. They had not 
gone far in their travel ere they dashed out the brains of the 
infant against a tree ; and others of the captives with them, 
were, as they tired, sent to their long home. This poor 
woman with the rest travelled about a dozen miles the first 
day, and then lay on the cold ground at night, without any 
proper covering. Thus they continued their travel about 
a hundred and fifty miles into the wilderness, and notwith- 
standing the hardships and different diet, this Dustan and 
her nurse were, by the providence of God, upheld in good 
health and able to travel, when others were no sooner tired, 
but the Indians instantly buried their hatchets in their brains, 
and left their carcasses to be devoured by the birds and beasts 
of prey. They had a lad with them that had been taken 
about a year and a half before, near Worcester. This woman 
purposed to purchase her freedom, by acting the part of Jael 
toward Sisera, and imparted her purpose to her nurse, and 
the youth that was with them ; who readily fell in with the 
scheme, and furnishing themselves with their owners' hatch- 
ets, a little before the break of day, when the Indians were 
in a deep sleep, they killed them all, but one squaw who was 
wounded, made her escape, and a little boy they intended 
to bring with them, ran away. They were in all two men, 
three squaws and seven children, whereof ten were slain. 
Thus these poor women prisoners gained their freedom, and 
brought with them ten scalps, for which they had a reward 
from the Province ; and Colonel Nicholson, then Governor 
of Maryland, hearing of the exploit of these women, sent 
them a generous gratuity. 

One man taken captive from York in May ; another was 
killed at Hatfield in June; and another killed at Groton, and 
another man with two children carried captive. 

On June, 9th and 10th, some women at Exeter went out, 
without proper caution, to gather strawberries. To make 
them more careful for the future, some in the town made an 

242 Niks' s History of the 


alarm, whereupon many came together armed. Which was 
a providence to Exeter ; for at that same time, there lay a 
great body of the enemy within hearing, who designed sud- 
denly to fall upon the town ; but hearing this alarm, sup- 
posed that they were discovered, and that the alarm was 
made on that account ; therefore drew off, contenting them- 
selves with killing one man, taking another, and wounding 
a third. On July 4, Major Charles Frost, who had done 
remarkable service on the frontiers, against the enemy, 
coming from the public worship on the Lord's day in Ber- 
wick, was slain with two more in the company; and his two 
sons, that went to carry the sorrowful tidings to Wells, in 
their returning back were both slain by the Indians. 

About the latter end of this month, three men mowing in 
the meadows at Newichawannik, were cut off by the scythe 
of death, in the hands of the heathen ; though one of them, 
before his death, slew one of the Indians. 

About the latter end of July, Major March was employed 
with 500 men under his command, to defend the frontiers, 
and to break up, if possible, the Indians' head-quarters. 
About this time, also, there being fears of an invasion, by a 
French fleet on the coast, the Lieutenant Governor put the 
militia into proper order of defence. But divine providence 
led them to steer a different course ; thus this cloud scat- 
tered and blew over. The posture of defence the country 
was then put under, was owing very much to the skill and 
industry of Captain Fairweather, and especially at Boston. 
It was also feared at that time, that the French and Indians 
joining together, would make an invasion on our settlements 
in the east. Major March was directed to send in part of 
his forces to scour the woods, while the other part defended 
the frontiers. Before the Major arrived at York, the Indians 
killed one man that stood sentinel for some of his neighbors, 
at work in the marsh at Wells; and taking another, they 
carried him about a mile and a half, and burned him to 
death. Captain Bracket pursued them, but did but almost 
overtake them. Our New-England, or old England men 
either, are unable to travel as I suppose is romantically sto- 
ried of the old Grecian and Roman soldiers, that they could 
march with a heavy load on their back on a running or trot- 
ting pace, five-and-twenty miles in four hours. Let them 
believe it that will. 

Indian and French Wars. 243 

Three men belonging to Saco fort, cutting wood on a 
place called Cow-Island for the use of the fort, were cut ofF 
by the Indians, whilst Lieutenant Fletcher and his two sons, 
appointed to guard them, went a fowling ; by which means 
they also fell into the same snare, by being led capjive, though 
one of them after escaped. Fletcher himself, died among 
them. Lieutenant Larabe, that was abroad, waylaid the 
Indians, as they passed in the river in their canoes, and 
killed several of them. The rest ran their canoes ashore 
on the other side, and fled. 

Hereupon Major March, with his army, took a voyage 
further eastward, having several transport vessels for that 
purpose. He arrived at Casco Bay, and going further east- 
ward among the islands, on the ninth of September came 
near a place called Corbin's Sound, and landed at a place 
called Damascotta river ; and although they were as occult 
as possible, by that time half of them were landed, and put 
into a posture of defence, the enemy unexpectedly saluted 
them with a volley and a huzza !' None of our men were 
hurt. Major March paid them in like manner. It was no 
sooner light, but a considerable battle ensued. The com- 
manders of the transport vessels were so animated on this 
occasion, that they went ashore, and valiantly assisted their 
neighbors in this onset. The enemy finding the engagement 
too hot for them to endure, desisted firing, and hastened to 
their fleet of canoes, which till this time lay undiscovered, 
leaving many of their dead behind, which they seldom do, 
except their own lives are in the utmost hazard. They 
w r ere beat off with the loss of 12 men, among whom was 
the worthy Captain Dimmock of Barnstable, and as many 
wounded. Captain William Whiting commanded the 
forces charitably sent from Connecticut to assist in the 
difficulty then subsisting with the enemy. This Captain, 
after Colonel Whiting, was the son of the Reverend Mr. 
John Whiting, minister of Hartford, and by a singular provi- 
dence was preserved in this engagement, a bullet grazing 
the top of his head without any further hurt, when Captain 
Dimmock, before mentioned, fell by his side. There was a 
remarkable providence of God in the seasonable arrival of 
the army ; otherwise, the French and Indians were so 
numerous, that they would have laid waste and destroyed 
several plantations, that were not able to resist them. 

244 , Niles's History of the 

We come now to the year 1698. On September 11, a 
party of the enemy fell upon the town of Lancaster, and 
killed 20 people, among whom was Mr. John Whiting, the 
minister of the town, and burnt three houses, with several 
aged people in them ; five were carried captive. Captain 
Brown pursued them ; but by the barking of some dogs with 
the Indians, they rose in the night and fled in haste, but 
first stripped and scalped a captive woman. November fol- 
lowing, one man killed in the woods at Oyster river. 

In the month of December, came the tidings of a peace 
concluded between England and France, which gave hopes 
of the end of the war, which made great slaughter and de- 
solation in the land. But the tragedies must not yet come 
to a period ; for in the month of February, although the 
winter had proved the severest of any that had then been 
known in the memory of man, yet as if their design was to 
revenge the death of their great sagamore Edgeremet, whom 
Chub had treacherously slain in the fort at Pemmaquid, with 
other Indians, as before is'related, there came about 30 In- 
dians to Andover, whither the government in clemency ad- 
mitted him to retire, after his examination on the affair of 
Pemmaquid fort, which he had so shamefully given up to the 
French, as is also before noted. These Indians came and 
slew Chub, and his wife, and three persons more. Mr. 
Thomas Barnard, the minister of the place, narrowly escap- 
ed their fury. They had taken Colonel Dudley Bradstreet, 
with his family, into their hands, but perceiving that the 
people in the town were mustering to follow them, they 
gave him his liberty, and got off as fast as they could ; re- 
turning back by Haverhill, they killed two persons, and 
took two more prisoners. On May 9, 1698, they killed an 
old man at Spruce Creek, and took his three sons prisoners. 
It was remarkable, that the fellow principally active in these 
exploits, not many hours after he had killed the poor old 
man, and when he had resigned himself as a prisoner, was 
shot to death with his own gun, as he was pulling a canoe 
to the shore with it. He was famous among the Indians, not 
only for his gigantic size, being seven feet in stature, but 
also as a cruel murderer of the English prisoners, of whom 
it is stated, that he had killed and taken, in the war I am 
here relating, 150 persons, — men, women and children. 
This old man's was the last English blood that this Assa- 

Indian and French Wars. 245 

combuit (which was his name) had opportunity to imbrue his 
bloody and barbarous hands in. About the middle of July, 
1698, the Indians killed a man and a boy in Hatfield mea- 
dows, and took two boys captive. The tidings coming to 
Deerfield in the night, twelve men were despatched to way- 
lay the Indians, as they came up Connecticut river. After 
a travel of near 20 miles, they discovered the Indians in 
their canoes coming up the river, but on the other side. 
One of the English shot and wounded an Indian, upon which 
they all jumped ashore on the opposite side of the river, 
except he that was wounded crawled to the shore in great 
anguish, his back being broken ; who would have beat out 
his own brains w r ith his hatchet, had he been able. Another 
Indian, seeing the two captive boys standing together, at- 
tempted to kill them both ; but his gun missing fire, he pur- 
posed to beat out their brains with his hatchet. But as he 
w r as in pursuit of this purpose, a bullet from the English 
party killed him, and disappointed his design. The two 
boys then took a canoe, and came over to their deliverers, 
who had rescued them from death, and perhaps from pre- 
vious miseries more bitter than death itself. Having thus 
destroyed tw r o Indians, and rescued two children from a 
cruel captivity, they sent five or six men to fetch a canoe 
that was lodged at an island, — where an Indian, hid in the 
grass, shot and killed one of their company, a hopeful young 
man, the only son of his mother, a widow. 

This was the last person I find killed in this war with the 
French and Indians. 

There had tidings come of a peace concluded between 
England and France, before these latter hostilities of the 
enemy. However, their thirst for blood prompted them to 
continue to shed English blood, as they had opportunity, 
until January 7, 1698-9, there was a peace concluded, — the 
Indians renewing their submission to the crown of Great 
Britain, which had been come into with this faithless and 
perverse generation in the year 1693. 

The gentlemen appointed by the Province to transact 
with the Indians in this affair, were Colonel Phillips and 
Major Convers, to whom seems to be added Captain Cyp- 
rian Southack, then the commander of the Province galley, 
in which they took a voyage in the depth of winter east- 
ward, where, after some time, the Indians met them, and 

246 Niks' s History of the 

delivered up about 30 captives. Those Indians that met 
them were sagamores, captains, and principal men belonging 
to the rivers of Kennebeck, Ammonoscoggin, and Saco. 
The articles were signed at Casco Bay, near Mare's Point, 
in presence of James Convers, Cyprian Southack, John Gills, 
interpreter, and Scodook, alias Sampson, and subscribed by 
Moxus, and a great number more. 

The captives reported, that the Indians had three forts, 
one at Norridgewock, one at Narrackomagog, and another 
at Amassacanty, and that in these forts they had chapels, 
and images in each of them. They also related that three 
captives were starved to death in one wigwam the winter 
before. They also said, they met a lad, about 14 years old, 
crying for victuals, not having eaten any thing for two or 
three days. Finding something hard In his bosom, putting 
in his hand, he pulled out two fair ears of corn well roasted; 
he eat them, and was well refreshed. His name was Jona- 
than Hutching, taken at Spruce Creek. A further instance 
they relate of one Mary Catter, who was left sick in a wig- 
wam alone. After some time, when she was something 
better, and was hungry, but had nothing to eat, — in this 
time of her extremity, as the providence of God ordered it, 
there came a turtle crawling into the wigwam where she 
lay, which she took and dressed as well as she could, and 
ate. After, when her pinching hunger renewed, there came 
in a partridge, which, with the help of a stick, she got ; and 
soon after she had eaten it, her Indian master came to see 
whether she was dead or alive. The reason of the Indians' 
precipitate flight at this time was, there came some sloops 
and shallops on that coast, and they feared the English 
were come to invade them. 

In the time of this ten years' war I have briefly related, 
it happened that two Indians, one in the English, and the 
other in the French interest, betook themselves for shelter 
from each other to the opposite sides of a great rock. Here 
they continued some time, neither daring to leave his situa- 
tion, for fear of being instantly shot by his antagonist. At 
length, he on the English part observing a small stick lying 
nigh to him, took it, and putting his hat on one end of the 
stick, lifted it up easily"; the other observing it, supposed it to 
be his head, and discharged his piece at it; upon which the 
Indian in the English cause fired on and killed his enemy, 

Indian and French Wars. 247 

and then made his escape. Another Indian saved himself 
and an Englishman, by running after the Englishman with 
his hatchet, under a pretence to kill him, and so it was ap- 
prehended by the French Indians. Thus they ran till they 
got out of the enemy's reach. 

Notwithstanding the news of peace between the crown of 
Great Britain and that of France, the Indians under the 
influence of the French and their priests, those incendiaries 
of mischief and treachery, continued their depredations on 
the English from December, in which this news of peace 
came, unto the middle of July following. After which, for 
a short space of time, the Indians appeared to be of a more 
pacific disposition and friendly carriage toward the English. 

In this time, viz, 1702, Governor Dudley arrived to fill 
the chair of government in the Province. The Indians, by 
the instigation of the French, proved that their friendship 
was covered with deceitful purposes, as on all opportunities 
they insulted the English people. Wherefore, in the year 
following, June 20th, a congress was appointed at Casco, 
where the chief of the tribes of Indians met his Excellency 
and the gentlemen that were appointed to accompany him. 
The heads of the Indian tribes that there met were these, 
namely, Moxus and Hope-Hood for Norrigewock ; Wanu- 
segunt and Wanadalgunbuent, from Penobscot ; Watorita- 
munton, Adiawando and Hegon, from Pennacook and Pig- 
wacket ; Mesambomett and Wexar, from Amasconly ; with 
about 250 men, well armed, in 65 canoes, most of them 
painted with divers colors, who appeared affable and kindly 
disposed, yet in some instances gave just ground of jealousy, 
as was after proved not to be groundless. A tent was then 
erected for the Governor and gentlemen with him, into 
which he invited the sagamores, who seemed to act in an 
amicable manner, and the articles of their submission to the 
crown of England were subscribed, upon which it was agreed 
that both parties should fire a volley, as is usual in such cases. 
The Indians moved that the English should fire theirs first, 
w r hich was consented unto as most reasonable. The Eng- 
lish having fired, then the Indians also fired their volley. 
They went out to two heaps of stones, called the Two Bro- 
thers, and added more to the piles. But here may be noted 
the matchless perfidy of these bloodthirsty infidels, as in two 
instances was made to appear. The first was this ; as soon 

248 Niks 9 8 History of the 

as the Indians had fired their volley, it evidently was proved 
that their guns were loaded with bullets, intending, beyond 
all doubt, to make the Governor and the counsellors with 
him, the victims of their treachery that very day. But Pro- 
vidence had ordered, that their sachems and chief counsel- 
lors were so placed, that they could not prosecute their 
design against the English, without endangering their own 
chief men. Another proof of their deceit was, that as the 
English had waited some days for Watanummon, the Pig- 
wacket sachem, to complete the council, it was afterward 
discovered that they tarried only for a reinforcement of 200 
French and Indians ; who, in three days after the English 
returned, came among them, having resolved to seize the 
Governor, council, and the other gentlemen, and then to 
sacrifice the unguarded inhabitants at pleasure. And what 
confirmed this their purpose was, that Captain Bomaseen 
and Captain Samuel told them that several missionaries were 
lately sent among them from the friars, who endeavored to 
break the union, and seduce them from their allegiance to 
the crown of England. Notwithstanding their disappoint- 
ment in this design, they meditated measures to pursue their 
cruel, bloodthirsty purposes, and within_six weeks after the 
whole eastern country, in a manner, was in a conflagration ; 
nothing but fire and smoke ; no house standing, nor garrison 
unattacked. On August 10 they began their bloody tragedy, 
being about 500 Indians, with a number of French, who 
divided themselves into several companies, and made a de- 
scent on the inhabitants from Casco to Wells, sparing none 
of every age and sex. The town of Wells, that had stood 
its ground, now suffered the loss of 39 killed or taken ; 
upon a moderate computation, at the least 25 were killed 
and the rest carried off. The most of these probably were 
either killed by the barbarous hands of the enemy, or died 
under hardships in the wilderness in their captivity. 

Some fishermen, uncertain, were killed at Cape Porpoise, 
and the place laid desolate. The garrison at Winter Har- 
bor was defended bravely for a time by the people in it, but 
being overpowered were constrained to yield. Saco fort 
was attacked with fury; 11 were killed, and 24 were carried 
captive. Spurwink was principally inhabited by the Jor- 
dans ; 22 of that family were killed and taken. 

At Purpooduck, 25 were killed and 8 taken prisoners; 

Indian and French Wars. 249 

among whom was the wife of Michael Webber, who being 
big with child, they knocked her on the head, and ripped 
open her womb, and took a part of her child out ; — an aw- 
ful spectacle, and proof of uncommon barbarity. 

Casco, which was the utmost frontier of that part which 
Major March had the command of, but had not heard of the 
spoil the Indians had so lately done in several places, was 
saluted by Moxus, Wanungonet, and Assacombuit, three of 
their most puissant sachems. They gradually advanced, 
with a flag of truce, and sent one before them to acquaint 
him that they had matter of moment to impart to him. He 
at first slighted the motion; but on further thoughts he went 
out to them. They seemed to him but few in number, and 
unarmed. However, he ordered two sentinels to be ready 
to assist in case of danger. They no sooner saluted him, 
but with hatchets under their clothes they assaulted him. 
But being a man of uncommon strength, activity and cour- 
age, he wrested a hatchet from one of them, with which he 
did good execution. They shot down one of his guards, by 
some that lay in ambush near them ; yet if Sergeant Hook 
had not with a file of ten men rescued him, they had in all 
probability overpowered him. However, they killed two 
more, viz. one Phippeny, and Kent, who were advanced, 
and soon fell by their hands. This was such an act of per- 
fidious treachery as none but the French and Indians would 
pursue or applaud. They were then commanded by Mons. 
Bobassar, a Frenchman. 

The Indians and French being defeated in their design 
against the fort, fell to firing the cottages round about, so 
that fire and smoke filled the country ; upon which the Ma- 
jor rallied his men, and sent them out in three companies, 
twelve in a company, and relieved them every two hours, — 
by means whereof the Indians retired. But this continued 
for six days and nights, in a manner without any intermis- 
sion. Bobassar, their commander, having laid all the Eng- 
lish settlements wdste, and having taken and plundered two 
sloops and a shallop, flushed with success, attempted to 
undermine the fort, beginning at the bank by the side of the 
river. In this they made considerable progress, 'and were 
likely to accomplish their purpose, had not the providence 
of God prevented, by the arrival of Captain Southack, who 
retook the shallop, and greatly shattered their navy, which 

250 Niks' s History of the 

consisted of 200 canoes, and raised the siege, after they had 
labored two days and two nights in endeavoring to storm 
the fort by undermining it. The French and Indians in the 
actions here related were 500. 

Soon after this, one Captain Tom, with 30 Indians, made 
a descent on Hampton village, where they slew five per- 
sons; among which was one Mussey, a widow woman, who 
had been esteemed a famous preacher among the people 
called Quakers, and, by them especially, greatly lamented. 

By this time, Captain Summersby was ordered with his 
troop to Portsmouth, and Captain Wadley, with the like 
number of men, to Wells, as it was concluded that the east- 
ern parts would be the seat of war. However, there was 
advice quickly brought from Deerfield, that the Indians had 
carried from thence two persons captive to Canada; which 
made it the more surprising to find that the frontiers were 
infested by the Indians 200 miles or more. So that on Sep- 
tember 26, the Governor ordered 360 men to Pigwacket, 
one of the Indian head-quarters. But, whether by reason 
of the difficulty of the passage or unskilfulness of the guides, 
they returned without making any 'discovery of the enemy, 
as did Captain Davis in going with his company up to the 
ponds ; for the Indians, it seemed, had shifted their quar- 
ters and were gone eastward. For on the 6th of October, 
Captain Hunnewell, with 19 men, as they were going to 
work in their meadows at Black Point, were all cut off, or 
taken prisoners, except one man, as Job's messenger, es- 
caped to tell the melancholy tidings. They attacked the 
fort, where only six men were left, under the command of 
Lieutenant Wyat, which they valiantly defended for some 
time, being encouraged by Captain Willard and Captain 
Wells, who were there in two sloops ; but were at last dis- 
pirited and got on board Captain Wells's sloop. The In- 
dians then came and burnt the deserted garrison. 

Another party of Indians, under the command of one 
Captain Sampson, probably some strong gigantic-like fellow, 
fell upon York, and killed the wife of Arthur Brandon, and 
five children, and carried the widow Parsons and her daugh- 
ter captive. 

The former attempt against Pigwacket proving unsuccess- 
ful, as was said, Colonel March went the. second time with 
a good number of men, and killed six Indians, and took the 

Indian and French Wars. 251 

same number prisoners, — the first reprisal on the enemy. 
He also took some plunder ; upon which the Indians dis- 
persed themselves into small parties, and did mischief; so 
that there was no safety to him that went or came in, but 
wars and bloodshed on every side. 

At Berwick, they ambushed five ; and as the store-ship 
was coming to Casco, they unexpectedly fired a volley, and 
killed the master and three more, and wounded two in the 

The Assembly of the Province promised £40 for every 
Indian scalp that should be brought in. Captain Tyng was 
the first that embraced the tender ; who in the depth of 
winter went to their head-quarters, and brought away five, 
for which he received £200. Major Hilton and Captain Ste- 
vens, with their men, the like essay, but only with the 
reward of being returned in safety. At Berwick they killed 
one, and wounded another, and burnt two houses ; after 
which they assaulted Andrew Neal's garrison, but were 
vigorously repulsed by Captain Brown, who slew nine of 
them on the spot, and wounded many more ; which enrag- 
ed these monsters of cruelty to that degree, that in their 
return they executed their revenge on one Joseph Ring, a 
captive, then in their hands. They tied him to a stake, and 
burnt him alive ; rejoicing, as their manner is, the more at 
his bitter heart-piercing cries and lamentations. 

February 8, Joseph Bradley's garrison of Haverhill was 
unhappily surprised by a small scout, that were lurking 
about and within sight ; observing the gates to be open and 
no sentinel, rushed in violently, and became suddenly mas- 
ters thereof. The housewife being boiling soap, threw 
some of it on them and scalded one of the Indians to death. 
The sentinel was slain, and she, with several others, were 
carried away. This was the second time of her captivity ; 
and her calamity was greatly aggravated, being then big 
with child, travelling in the snow, and carrying a heavy 
burden on her back. However, God upheld her under this 
her miserable condition, and granted her safe deliverance. 
She and her child were under hopeful appearances, but then 
having nothing to eat except a few bits of skin, ground-nuts, 
bark of trees, wild onions, and lily roots, she was wonder- 
fully supported for a time. But as she had no proper nour- 
ishment for herself or child, the babe soon languished. This, 

252 Niles's History of the 

together with the heathen's barbarity, who were wont, when 
it cried, to throw hot embers into its mouth, quickly finished 
the child's life. The mother, after a year's bondage, was 
sold to the French, and in some time after redeemed by her 

The seat of war and bloodshed having for some time sub- 
sisted mostly in the eastern parts of the Province, -was pro- 
bably a means to render those in the western parts too 
secure, which doubtless the enemy were acquainted with; 
therefore took the opportunity to fall upon Deerfield, then 
an out settlement in the county of Hampshire. On Febru- 
ary 29, 1703, the enemy, not long before break of day, 
came in like a flood upon the town, the watch being 
unfaithful, and surprized the people, to their horror and 
astonishment, when under profound security. They came 
in the beginning of the onset to the house of the reverend 
Mr. Williams, the worthy pastor of the town, and awakened 
him out of his sleep by the noise of axes and hatchets, stav- 
ing open his doors. He essayed to fire at the Indian that 
was next to him, clapping his pistol to his breast; but it 
missed fire, which probably was a means of sparing his life. 
The enemy instantly disarmed him, and bound him in his 
shirt, in which condition he continued about an hour. It 
was not long after, that one of those three that bound him, 
received his death-wound from a neighboring ungarrisoned 
house, which was defended with only seven men, against 
300 French and Indians. Mrs. Williams was at this time 
in a weak and poor state of health, having lain in but a few 
weeks before. However, these barbarous Indians gave her 
leave to dress herself, and Mr. Williams himself had the like 
liberty. But others, of more cruel and barbarous disposi- 
tions, carried two of his children and his negro woman to 
the door, and murdered them there. After they had rifled 
the house in every room, and taken what plunder they 
pleased, they ordered the prisoners out of the house in order 
to march, the sun then being about an hour high, and then 
set the house on fire, as they did most of the houses in the 
town, which were then all in a flame in every quarter. 
They were carried over the river to the foot of a mountain 
about a mile distant from the town or river, where were an 
hundred prisoners. Nineteen of them were murdered by 
the way, and two were starved to death. At Cowass, they 

Indian and French Wars. 253 

killed a sucking child of the English. They killed in this 
town 38, and 9 of other towns,— soldiers it is likely. Their 
journey was 300 miles to Quebec, over mountains and other 
difficult places, as rivers and swamps, the snow being knee 
deep. Mr. Williams was pinioned, and bound down every 
night whilst he was in the army. Though these Indians in 
general are of such a cruel and salvage temper, yet some of 
them were so compassionate towards the English children 
that were unable to travel, as sometimes to carry them on 
their backs or in their arms. Some of the Indians had 
brought strong drink from the town, of which they drank 
freely, and in their drunken frolic they killed Mr. Williams's 
negro man, and soon after his wife, with whom he had op- 
portunity but once to speak after their captivity. She was 
after found by some of the English scouts, carried back to 
the town, and decently buried. They killed also a young 
woman, counted very pious, who had a short opportunity to 
converse with Mr. Williams a little before she was murder- 
ed. They killed a woman (near her travail), and several 
English children ; four women at one time, and two at 
another, because they were tired and could not travel. 
These were some of the nineteen, before mentioned, that 
were killed by the way as they were led in their captivity. 

As to what further account there is of Mr. Williams's 
travels, and the hardships he and the other prisoners with 
him underwent in their captivity, I shall refer my reader to 
his own Narrative, published under the title of The Redeem- 
ed Captive returning to Zion. 

Colonel Church, of whom frequent mention is made be- 
fore, (whose warlike achievements and successes against the 
Indians in Plymouth and the Massachusetts governments 
are known, and whose name and memory ought to be em- 
balmed in the New-England annals), when tidings came of 
the devastation and surprising destruction and slaughter the 
Indians, with the French, their accomplices and abettors in 
cruelty and barbarism, had made on Deerfield, as above is 
noted, was fired with a truly gallant and heroic zeal, if pos- 
sible, to suppress the rage of these our insulting adversaries. 
Therefore resolves (under the guidance of Divine providence) 
to engage in a fifth expedition in the eastward parts of the 
country, where he had been four times before, under prin- 

254 Niks' s History of the 

cipal command of the forces that had been from one time to 
another sent forth on the like occasion. 

We must leave Colonel Church for the present in the pur- 
suit of his purpose to the east, furnishing himself with a 
new commission, and busied in enlisting volunteers, both 
English and Indians, for the service, and consider some 
depredations in this time committed by the enemy in 
divers places, and the steps taken to suppress them. 

While the Indians on the land were distressing the peo- 
ple, the French formed a design to impoverish us by sea. 
For on April 7, 1704, they fitted and sent out a shallop 
with 27 men, on purpose to intercept our southern trade 
by vessels bringing corn and other provisions from thence; 
designing by this means to get a supply for their hungry 
soldiers, both French and Indians. But Providence blasted 
their purpose ; for they were soon cast away on Plymouth 
shore. The like signal favor to us was the taking a store- 
ship of theirs, by the Virginia fleet, of 40 guns, bound to 
Canada, in which were 20 officers, 2000 small arms, with 
ammunition answerable. 

As the spring advanced, it was thought necessary to guard 
the frontiers. Accordingly Major Mason, from Connecti- 
cut, with 95 Pequot and Mohegan Indians, were posted at 
Berwick, who at first were terrifying to the enemy ; but 
they soon did mischief in divers places not far distant. As 
on April 25, one Nathaniel Meador was shot as he was at 
work in his field, and they hacked and mangled his dead 
body after an inhuman and barbarous manner. The next 
day they killed Edward Taylor, near Lampereel river, and 
took his wife and son and carried them to Canada. Then 
they went to Cochecho, in quest of Mr. Waldron, whom 
they intended to make the sacrifice of their fury that day; 
but missing their aim, as he was gone from home, they seized 
a servant-maid, as she went to the well for water, and after 
they had examined her, knocked her on the head ; but she 
after recovered. Soon after this, several were assaulted on 
the road to Wells; two were killed, one taken prisoner, 
and the fourth escaped. 

After this, there came advice from Northampton that the 
French and Indians had made a descent on a garrisoned 
house at Pascomuck, where no watch was kept; the inhabi- 
tants being in such a profound sleep, that the enemy put 

Indian and French Wars. 255 

their guns in at the port-holes, and shot them down that 
first made their appearance. The poor people rose in a 
surprise out of their beds, and made what resistance they 
could, the enemy killing some and wounding others; and 
the house being set on fire, they were constrained to sur- 
render. The enemy drew off, but being apprehensive of a 
pursuit by the English, as it proved, they sent a wounded 
man back to acquaint the people, that if they followed them 
they w T ould kill all the prisoners ; but the unfortunate mes- 
senger was slain by the way. However, they were imme- 
diately pursued, — three made their escape, eight were res- 
cued, nineteen slain, and three carried to Canada. The same 
morning, another party attacked a farm-house about two 
miles distant ; but the dogs barked so furiously, that it 
alarmed the people, who arose and fired on the enemy so 
smartly that they withdrew without making a further attempt. 
The next morning Major Whiting, with a number of horse- 
men, pursued them; but the country being mountainous, and 
many swamps in their way, they left their horses, purposing 
to follow the enemy on foot. But some proving lame, and 
others much tired, they returned without success. 

It may here be noted, that before the troubles at Pasco- 
muck, before mentioned, the people at Springfield heard a 
great shooting. To some it seemed to be at Westfield, to 
others in a village, and to others to be in the woods. Upon 
which many hastened to their assistance ; but when they 
came, all was still and quiet. It is hard -to assign the rea- 
son hereof, yet history gives repeated instances of the like 
nature ; particularly the like was heard at Maiden in the 
time of, or not long before the war with Philip in the south- 
ern and western parts of this country, as is noted before. 

Let us now turn back to Colonel, or rather General 
Church, whom we left qualifying himself for the expedition 
he had in view. . Having gotten his commission and a good 
number of volunteers, according to his wonted activity in 
his country's service, he marched from Plymouth with his 
forces to Nantasket, for particular instructions ; where the 
following gentlemen were appointed officers under him, viz. 
Colonel Gorham, Major Hilton, Captains John Brown, Con- 
stant and Edward Church, Cole, Dyer, Lamb, Cook, Har- 
reden, Williamson, and Myrick, with 550 men in 14 trans- 
ports, and with 36 whale-boats, which were guarded by 

256 Niks' 's History of the . . 

Captains Smith, Rogers, and Southack, in three ships of 
war. After they were equipped, they sailed to Piseataqua, 
to make up their complement from thence; and May 15, 
they sailed eastward, visiting all parts as they passed along, 
till they came to the Green Islands, as they were then call- 
ed, where they took Monsieur Lafebure, and his two sons 
and a Canada Indian. Upon their examination they ap- 
peared at first very cross and surly, until they were told 
what they might depend on unless they were more free and 
ingenuous. They then became more pliable, and offered to 
pilot them wherever they were directed to go. They killed 
and took a considerable number of French and Indians, and 
among others St. Castine's daughter. From thence they 
went to Passamaquoddy and Mount Desert ; here they seiz- 
ed old Lotriell and his family, and Monsieur Gourden, and 
Sharkee, who a little before came with a commission from 
Canada, to form an expedition against the English. 

To prevent being discovered by the enemy, our forces 
rowed in their whale-boats or paddled their canoes in the 
rivers only by night, and made as little appearance as possi- 
ble in the day. 

In the midst of these fatigues and travels, orders were 
sent from Boston, immediately to sail for Port Royal, to in- 
tercept some store-ships that were expected there from 
France, or some other parts; but were disappointed. How- 
ever, the ships stood off while the land forces went to Menis. 
Lieutenant Giles *was sent with a flag of truce and summons 
to surrender, which they refused to do on the terms the 
General and his council of war had proposed. Whereupon 
a descent was made upon them ; for the forces drew up in 
the morning and drove all before them. There were consid- 
erable quantities of brandy and claret found there, which 
were a snare to some of the soldiers, especially the Indians, 
who seem generally inclined to disguise themselves with 
strong drink as often as they have opportunity. Therefore, 
to remedy this, orders were given to beat out the heads of 
the casks. The General also ordered "their dams to be dug 
down, and their fortifications to be laid waste. In this en- 
gagement Lieutenant Baker and one more were killed, and 
six after died of their wounds. Most of their houses were 
burnt and their fortifications laid in ashes ; having as great 
success as could reasonably be expected, -throughout all the 

Indian and French Wars. 2bl 

territories of L'Acadia and Nova Scotia, except the town 
and fortress of Port Royal. The General with his forces in 
their marches in that eastward country, took 100 prisoners, 
burnt and laid waste their settlements, with as little effusion 
of blood as can be conceived. 

On July 4, a council of war was called, in order to deter- 
mine what further measures to pursue ; and as it was sup- 
posed that Port Royal had been alarmed by their destroying 
Menis, that the enemy had become more numerous, and 
many of their men were lame, or tired out, it was concluded, 
upon the whole, to return home, and they did so, still taking 
special care to keep the frontiers in as much safety as was 
possible. But notwithstanding the fatigues General Church 
had undergone in his repeated and wonderful service in the 
several wars with the Indians and French, the dangers he 
had run, the spoil he had done, and the victories he had 
won, yet some endeavored to disgrace him ; but others, with 
greater reason, highly applauded his courage, conduct, and 
good behavior in the trust reposed in him, and he had the 
thanks of the General Court for his laudable and truly great 
services. He lived to an advanced age, and died in the bed 
of honor, who from his youth had served the interest of his 
country in the wars, as much and perhaps more than any 
military officer before his day, or after him. 

But to return. Although great care was taken to cover 
the frontiers, the enemy committed many outrages on the 
people in those eastern parts. They wounded one William 
Tasket at Oyster river, killed a lad near Casco fort, and 
waylaid others as they w r ere returning from public worship. 

Some time in May, 1704, there came intelligence from 
Albany of some Indians up Connecticut river, that had built 
a fort and planted corn at a place called Cowassuck. On 
the 5th of June following, a small party set out in quest of 
them from Northampton, consisting of one Englishman and 
five Mohawks, by order of authority; and after nine days 
difficult journey in the wilderness, came upon some fresh 
tracks of Indians. They soon espied two Indians in a canoe 
on the river, and hearing a gun go off higher up the river, 
and supposing they were not far from the place where the 
fort was said to be built, concluded to keep close till the 
evening ; and as the evening drew on, they moved toward 
the river, and soon perceived a smoke about half a mile's 

258 Niks' s History of the 

distance, where it was supposed the enemy had taken up 
their lodging. When with much difficulty they were gotten 
within about twelve rods of the wigwam where they lay, a 
new difficulty arose; for the ground was covered with small 
dry sticks and brush, that made such a crackling under their 
feet as was feared would warn the enemy of their approach. 
But Providence so ordered that at that juncture there was a 
small cloud gathered, and a smart clap of thunder with some 
rain. This opportunity they improved, and got through the 
thicket of brush, until they came within about three or four 
rods of them, crawling on their hands and knees. They 
perceived the Indians awake ; however, they rose up and 
rushed on the wigwam, and fired on them, and then with 
clubs and hatchets they slew seven on the spot. Another 
they mortally wounded, and one made his escape. They 
being nine in all, they scalped six, and one they left. The 
Indians said they would give that scalp to the country, since 
they had each of them one. s When the action was thus over, 
they took their scalps and plunder, such as guns and skins, 
and the enemy's canoes, and came down the river about 12 
miles about break of day, and then brake the canoes and pre- 
pared to travel by land. But when they came to examine 
their store of provision, they found no more than would 
serve them for one slender meal. Being then 100 miles 
from any English settlement, and as they were apprehensive 
of some Indians before them, by the tracks they discovered, 
they could not hunt for provision, for fear of notice thereby 
being given to the enemy. They were constrained to eat 
the buds of trees, grass and strawberry leaves for four or 
five days together, till they arrived at Northampton, on the 
19th or 20th of the beforesaid June. 

This is summarily the account that Mr. Caleb Lyman 
himself gave of this action, who was the only Englishman in 
it, with his five Mohawks, as before is noted. He after re- 
moved to Boston, and w T as several years an elder in the New 
North Church, as it w T as called, and served Christ and his 
generation there under that character till his death ; where 
the Rev. Mr. John Webb was the first minister, and after 
some time the Rev. Mr. Peter Thacher, first of Weymouth, 
was settled in conjunction with him in that church. Upon 
this remarkable overthrow, above related, the other Indians 

Indian and French Wars. 259 

forsook their wigwams and fort, and were never known to 
return to them any more. 

The French, that were ever forming designs against the 
English, sent out 700, with two friars, under the command 
of Monsieur Boocore, on purpose to fall on Northampton. 
But falling into a mutiny among themselves, concerning their 
shares of the plunder they expected to take, they broke, 
and dispersed one part from another ; yet two men were 
killed as they were going to Deerfield. 

Captain Tyng and Captain How, meeting with a party of 
the enemy, had a warm dispute; but being overpowered by 
their superior numbers, were forced to retreat, but not with- 
out some loss ; how much is now uncertain. Ours slew an 
officer of some distinction among the French and Indians, 
which so enraged them, that they burnt the meeting-house 
and several other buildings, and killed many cattle. Major 
Whiting, with a considerable number of men, went to the 
ponds where the Indians were wont to resort, and had left 
their canoes, which he burnt, and returned without meeting 
with the enemy. Captain Allen, from Westfield, discovered 
a small party of Indians, with whom he had a skirmish, in 
which he lost one man, but killed three Indians, and rescued 
a captive. Between Hadley and Quabaug, now Brookfield, 
one man was killed and another wounded. Soon after this, 
Major Tayler, who had distinguished himself in the defence 
of his country, came with his troop, and Captains Prescot, 
Buckley, and Willard, with their companies, scoured the 
woods, and were so vigorously intent on their business, that 
the Indians fled into their inaccessible swamps, and other 
hideous places of their retirement, out of the English's 
reach. And yet in a little time after they fell on Groton 
and Nashaway, where they killed Lieutenant Wyler and 
three more. It was afterward upon good credit reported, 
the enemy lost in this action 16, besides several wounded. 
Soon after, they did much mischief at Amesbury, Haverhill, 
and Exeter. They wounded one Mark Giles, of Dover, 
on August 11, who soon died of his wounds, and they 
wounded his son also. Another party at the same time fell 
on York, and slew one Matthew Austin, and three more, 
as they were at work in the field. The three last were 
killed at Oyster river. 

260 Niks' s History of the 

The Five Nations of Indians, commonly known by the 
name of the Oneidas, Onondagoes, Cayugas, Senecas, and 
Maquas, all this while stood neuter; and notice being given 
that the French had sent missionaries among them to draw 
them into their interests, Colonel Townsend and Mr. 
Leverett, from the Massachusetts, and Captain Gold and- 
Captain Livenston, from Connecticut, were sent to renew 
and confirm the ancient friendship and good understanding 
that had subsisted between them and the English; which 
was so far effected as that they promised to take up the 
hatchet (which is the Indians' usual phrase to show their 
readiness for war) against the French, whenever the Gov- 
ernor of New York desired it. But though the interest of 
New-England had so many years before this, and long after, 
lay bleeding, yet this permit could not be obtained from the 
Governor; which proceeded, as was conjectured by some, 
from a secret intrigue between him and the Governor of 
Canada, lest it might obstruct the free trade of the Indians 
with some of the inhabitants of this western government; 
which has in time past been a great w T ound to the eastern 
parts of the country. 

On August 18th, about 140 French and Indians made a 
descent on Newfoundland in two sloops, and surprised the 
Pembroke galle} r , the Society, and a lesser vessel, in which 
were 30 tons of oil. Captain Gill was there in a ship with 
14 guns, with 24 men, whom they furiously attacked; who 
as bravely defended himself from divers bold and desperate 
attempts which they made upon him with small arms. 
They then brought their great guns to bear upon him ; but 
finding, by the courage and good conduct of Captain Gill, 
and his men, they were likely to miss of their intended prize, 
they set the Society, so called, on fire, in order to burn 
Captain Gill's vessel, and thereby gain their furious design. 
Having fired her, they set her afloat ; but the providence of 
God so ordered, that the wind shifted and carried her on a 
rock, where she burnt down. This stratagem failing, they 
set the smaller vessel on fire also, in which the oil was, 
which made a furious and very violent flame. But here 
also Providence remarkably interposed for their help ; for 
had not Captain Gill's buoy-rope of his anchor got between 
the rudder and stern-post of the vessel, which hindered its 
motion, they must have submitted, or necessarily perished in 

Indian and French Wars. 261 

the flames. In the whole of this encounter, but one of Cap- 
tain Gill's men was slain, and two wounded. This cour- 
ageous Captain Gill belonged to Charlestown. 

But to return to the westward, where the enemy did some 
mischief, which alarmed the people at Lancaster, and was 
the occasion of their worthy minister's death, — the Rev. 
Mr. Gardner, in the prime and bloom of his age ; the cir- 
cumstance of which was briefly this. The men in the gar- 
rison had been tired with scouting in the woods to discover 
the enemy, and with watching for defence against them. 
Mr. Gardner proposed to watch that night, and give the 
soldiers opportunity, to take some rest, and did so ; but in 
the night, perhaps being cold, and willing to warm himself 
or for some other reason, he came out of the watch-box. 
One of the men, either not perfectly awake, or from a sur- 
prising fear, shot him in his back. He called to open the 
door, for he was wounded. He fainted with the effusion of 
blood; but then reviving a little, he inquired who it was 
that shot him, and they told him. He prayed God to for- 
give him, and he also forgave him, supposing it was not 
done with any design against him. He comforted his sor- 
rowful spouse, commending her and his bereaved flock to 
God, and about an hour after expired, greatly lamented by 
his family, flock, and all that knew him. 

Colonel Hilton, with 270 men, by order of the govern- 
ment, went to Norridgewock in the depth of winter, when 
the snow was four feet deep ; yet neither officers or sol- 
diers were discouraged. Their design was to find out and 
disrest the Indians in their head-quarters ; they took twenty 
days provision with them. They went to the fort, but it 
was deserted, as were their wigwams, There were no late 
signs of Indians. There was a chapel with a vestry at the 
end of it, which they burnt. 

The winter season requiring snow-shoes, an express was 
sent to Colonel Patrick to provide them ; but the express 
was intercepted by a scout from Montreal, who robbed 
Colonel Patrick of £50, which he had in his pocket, and at 
their return gave it to the Governor, who converted it into 
a bowl and called it by the name of The New-England Gift. 

Early in the spring, Captain Larraby was ordered to 
cruise on the shore of L'Acadia, and defeat the French in 
their fishery. Captain Fowle was also despatched in a sloop 

262 Niles's History of the 

of war, and on the north side of Cape Sables took a vessel 
formerly belonging to the English, loaded with sheep and 
cattle. But the French there were so miserably poor and 
indigent, that they chose rather to be prisoners among the 
English, than to be at liberty among the French, their own 
nation. Soon after this, he took five prisoners at Fort 
Rosua and three at L'Have. 

May 4, 1705, Captain Hill, who had been made prisoner 
at Wells, and carried to Canada, was sent from thence by 
Monsieur Vaudreuil, to concert measures for the exchange 
of prisoners, who advised of 117 that were then with the 
French, and about 70 more with the Indians. Upon which 
Captain Livenston, and after him Captain Appleton and Mr. 
Sheldon, with 70 prisoners of theirs, that went by water, 
having ordered a scout of ten men by land before, that the 
prisoners might be in readiness. But by this time the priests 
and friars had so influenced the Governor, as to frustrate 
the design, by breaking his promise ; pretending that the 
Indians were a free and independent people, of whom he 
had no command, when at the same time they durst not 
engage against the English in any hostile enterprise without 
his countenancing and encouraging them to it. So that after 
all the expense and pains taken by the Commissioners, they 
could get but 60 of our prisoners out of 187 that were then 
in captivity, either with the French or Indians ; which was 
scandalously base and dishonorable, and treacherous also in 
that Government. 

The French and Indians not being content with the depre- 
dations and barbarous cruelties committed on our frontiers, 
made a second descent on Newfoundland, in a more terrible 
manner than before. Monsieur Supercass came from Cana- 
da, Port Royal and places adjacent, and many salvages, of 
whom Assacombuit was the chief. There were 550 French, 
exclusive of the Indians. They ransacked and laid waste 
all the southern English settlements in a few days, and then 
fell on St. John's, and in a few hours made them all prison- 
ers of war, except those there that were in the castle and 
fort, and some few that escaped to one or other of them. 

The night before they entered on their enterprise of at- 
tacking the fort, they were constrained to lie on a bed of 
snow six feet deep, which occasioned such a numbness in 
the joints of many of them, as rendered them unfit for action. 

Indian and French Wars. 263 

This hardship they underwent to prevent being discovered. 
The General vowed revenge for this, and accordingly exe- 
cuted his rage on the people, killing all before him that 
came in his way, without giving any quarter to young or 
old, until Monsieur Boocore, who was a gentleman of more 
humanity, dissuaded him, and abated his rage. The num- 
ber they took alive was 140 3 these they sent to the garri- 
rison, not in kindness, but with design to starve the whole, 
and then laid close siege to the garrison and fort, which 
continued thirty days without relief, except three that made 
their escape to the garrison, and seventeen to the fort. In 
the fort were only 40 men, under the command of Captain 
Moody, and in the castle but 12, under Captain Lotham. 
Yet they behaved with so much courage and bravery, both 
officers and soldiers, that all their plausible tenders made 
for a surrender, or threatenings in case of their refusal, had 
not influence on them; but plying their bombs and mortar- 
pieces to so good effect, as to kill several of them, with the 
loss only of three of their men. How many were killed in 
the time of Supercass's fury, before-mentioned, I have no 
certain account. 

After this they steered to Consumption Bay, having first 
demolished the English settlements in Trinity and Bonavista, 
where they burnt their stages and boats, and laid contribu- 
tion on the inhabitants. After this, they went to Carbo- 
neer, where they met with some repulse, and finding their 
provision grew short, they desisted further acts of hostility, 
and retired to the places from whence they came. This 
effort was began in January 21, in the depth of winter, 
which shows that the French and Indians spare no pains, 
and will endure any hardships in their way to gratify their 
cruel and barbarous purposes to shed the blood of innocents 
as well as others. 

As the history of this war has led me to this island of 
Newfoundland, I suppose it not amiss here to annex a brief 
narrative of the French's proceeding at Block Island. 

Some time in July, 1689, three French privateer vessels 
came to Block Island; upon which the people were alarm- 
ed, not then knowing whether they were English or French. 
The vessels were a large barque, a barge, a large sloop, and 
a lesser one. They had an Englishman with them, one Wil- 
liam Trimming, who was wont treacherously to decoy and 

264 Niles's History of the 

betray those they met with at sea, pretending they were 
Englishmen, as he had the perfect use of the English tongue. 
Him they sent on shore with some men in a periaugur, 
which lay off at a small distance ; whilst he took the advan- 
tage of stepping from one rock to another, and came alone 
to the islanders who were standing on the shore in arms ; 
who inquired of him who they were, and from w 7 hence they 
came, and whither they were bound, and their captain, or 
commodore's name. To which he answered, their commo- 
dore was George Astin, (of whom they had often heard as a 
noted privateer, that had done great exploits against the 
French and Spaniards in the West Indies), and that they 
were Englishmen, — when they were a mixed company, 
mostly French, with some Spaniards and Mestizos, and their 
Captain's name was Pekar, a Frenchman ; that they came 
from Jamaica, and were bound into Newport on Rhode Isl- 
and, (which was so far true, that their design was to take 
and rifle that town), that they wanted a pilot to conduct 
them into the harbor, and that they wanted to be supplied 
with some wood and water, and fresh provisions for their 
money. This was a plausible and very pleasing account to 
the inhabitants, though perfidiously false in the articles of 
greatest importance. What farther confirmed their credit 
in the case was, there happened to be a stranger on the 
island at that time, and then among the people, who pre-' 
tended a particular acquaintance with Captain Astin, and 
also sent his compliments to him; so that, upon the whole, 
the islanders were very well satisfied, and fearless of dan- 
ger. Upon having thus told his story, Trimming, doubtless 
much pleased, went off to the periaugur that waited for 
him. He having made a motion for a pilot to Newport, 
which was about ten leagues distant from them, several that 
had sailed to and from thence, in hopes of some great re- 
ward, went on board. They no sooner were got there, but 
they were immediately clapped down under the hatches, and 
examined on the strength of Newport, and of Block Island ; 
and finding this last not able to resist them, they resolved 
to play their game in plundering the people of this island. 
Accordingly, manning their three periaugers with about 50 
men in each of them, they made to the harbor, having their 
guns all lying in the bottom of their boats out of sight ; 
where the people met them, and were something amused 

Indian and French Wars, 265 

at their great number. But being well satisfied, as they 
thought, there was no monkery in the case, therefore in a 
very friendly manner directed them to shun some sunken 
rocks that lay at the entrance into the harbor; and to re- 
quite their kindness, as they laid to the wharf, every one of 
them started up with his gun presented, and told the peo- 
ple if they stirred from the place, or made resistance, they 
were dead men. .Thus tamely and unexpectedly, to their 
great surprise, they were all taken, and made prisoners of 
war. As for their coming in such great numbers, as before 
is noted, which at first gave the people some grounds of sus- 
picion, to this they were soon reconciled, supposing that 
they were willing to walk and divert themselves on the land, 
as they had been a long time at sea. So that all circum- 
stances seemed to concur, by the treachery of this Trim- 
ming, to make them an easy prey to their enemies. 

As they were thus become masters of the island, they 
disarmed the men, and stove their guns to pieces on the 
rocks, and carried the people and confined them in the 
house of Captain James Sands, before mentioned, which was 
large and accommodable for their purpose, and not far from 
the harbor. This they made their prison, and place of ren- 
dezvous, and soon set upon plundering houses, and killing- 
cattle, sheep and hogs, some to feed on, others for waste 
and spoil, and to impoverish the inhabitants. One instance 
among others, was their shooting a large cow that had a 
very full bag, and the rather as she had not been milked for 
some time; and for no other reason, as was said, than to cut 
off her bag and carry on board their vessel to suck the milk 
out of her teats, leaving her to rot on the ground, as they 
did many other creatures. 

However, news quickly reached to the main, that Block 
Island was taken by the French ; upon which the country 
was alarmed, and bonfires made from Pawcatuck Point, 
which is the utmost extent of Rhode Island government next 
to Connecticut, and from thence round on Rhode Island to 
Seconet Point, which then was the farthest part of the Mas- 
sachusetts government, but is now taken into the govern- 
ment of Rhode Island, upon a late overture of that affair ; 
whether justly or not it is neither my province nor purpose 
now to determine. They continued about a week on the 
island, plundering houses, stripping the people of their 

266 Niks' s History of the 

clothing, ripping up beds, throwing out the feathers, and 
carrying away the ticking. 

In this time they offered great abuses to Simon Ray, Esq. 
an aged gentleman, who lived somewhat remote in the 
island, and had not removed his money nor choicest part of 
his goods out of his house until they saw a company of the 
enemy at a distance coming thither. He and his son, (who 
was of the same name, and after bore the like distinguishing 
characters of honor and usefulness that his father had done 
before, who is now lately deceased also), as there was no 
minister in the place, were wont, in succession, in a truly 
Christian, laudable manner, to keep a meeting in their own 
house on Lord's days, to pray, sing a suitable portion of the 
Psalms, and read in good sermon books, and, as they found 
occasion, to let drop some words of exhortation in a religious 
manner on such as attended their meeting. Upon the sight 
of the French coming, the son (then a young man) with the 
servants carried out some chests and what they could most 
readily convey out of the house, and hid them, and them- 
selves also. When the Frenchmen came into the house, 
they found only the old gentleman and his wife; all the rest 
of the family were fled. The French demanded his money. 
He told them he had none at his command. They observ- 
ing, by the signs on the floor, that chests and other things 
were lately removed, and the money, which they principally 
aimed at, asked him where they were. He told them he 
did not know, for his people had carried them out, and he 
could not tell where they put them. They bid him call his 
folks, that they might bring them again ; which he did, but 
had no answer, for they were all fled out of hearing. They 
being thus disappointed, one of them, in a violent rage, got a 
piece of a rail, and struck him on his head therewith; and in 
such fury that the blood instantly gushed out and ran on the 
floor. Upon which his wife took courage, and sharply re- 
prehended them for killing her husband, which she then 
supposed they had done. Upon this they went off, without 
the game they expected. After the flow of blood was over, 
he recovered his health, and lived many years in his former 
religious usefulness, as before is noted. 

Another man they used barbarously, by tricing him up and 
whipping him in an unmerciful manner, to make him confess 
where his money was, and bring it to them ; when at 'the 

Indian and French Wars. 261 

same time, as he declared to them, he had none or next to 
none. The case was this, (as I understood it). They in- 
quired of some one or more of the people, Who were the 
likeliest among them to have money ? They told them of 
John Rathbun, who was the most likely. This poor man 
bearing his father's name, (they supposing him to be the 
person) suffered this cruelty in the room of his father, who 
escaped by that means with his money. 

In the time of these privateers' stay on the island, they 
killed two negro men, one belonging to the above mention- 
ed Mr. Ray, if I mistake not, and the other to Captain John 
Sands, who is also mentioned before ; and two other negro 
fellows ran from their master, and voluntarily resigned them- 
selves to the French, of whom there was no further account 
what became of them. They were Dr. John Rodman's ser- 
vants. He was a gentleman of great ingenuity, and of an 
affable, engaging behavior, of the profession of them called 
Quakers. He also kept a meeting in his house on the Sab- 
baths, with exhortations unto good works, after the manner 
of the teachers in that society, but more agreeably than I 
suppose is common with them, whose meetings I had attend- 
ed often in my younger time. It was said of him, when 
these Frenchmen came to his house, one of them essayed to 
lead his wife (who was also a very desirable gentlewoman) 
into a private room, but Mr. Rodman stepped into the door- 
way and prevented him ; upon which the ruffian cocked his 
pistol, threatening to shoot him. He opened his clothes on 
his breast, replying, " Thee mayest do it if thou pleasest, 
but thou shalt not abuse my wife." While they remained 
riding in the bay they took two vessels bound up the Sound, 
one laden with steel mostly, which they sunk ; the other 
was laden with wine and spirituous liquors, which they pur- 
posed to carry oft' with them, but were prevented, as we 
shall find afterwards. 

The privateers perceiving, by the bonfires before spoken 
of, that the country was alarmed, and perhaps, by those 
that had gone on board them with hopes of becoming their 
pilots, before mentioned, being informed of the strength and 
numbers of men on Rhode Island, were discouraged making 
an attempt on Newport ; therefore determined to attack New 
London. Accordingly they sailed thither, and up into the 
harbor. The country being before alarmed* as was said, 

268 Niks' s History of the 

and , having had intelligence of their approach, the men in 
the bordering towns came down in great numbers ; and the 
fort with their great guns firing on them, they found the 
harbor too hot for them. They therefore drew- off, and con- 
cluded to return to Block Island, and renew their spoils and 
plunder there. Some of their company went on an island 
called Fisher's Island, lying near New London, and among 
others this treacherous fellow, Trimming, before spoken of, 
of which they had some intelligence at Stonington. Upon 
which 17 men went from thence over to the island, which 
is not far distant in the easternmost end. There was but 
one house on the island, though about nine miles in length, 
where this party of Frenchmen were at that time. The 
English got near the house before they were discovered ; 
upon w T hich / Trimming came out to them, in a pretended 
friendly manner, drawing his gun behind him. They de- 
manded who and from whence they w r ere. He replied, they 
were cast-away men. One of the Englishmen replied, " If 
you are friends, lay down your gun, and come behind us." 
Immediately Mr. Stephen Richardson, as was supposed 
through surprise, shot him dead on the spot, for which act 
he was much blamed. Thus he that delighted in falsehood in 
his life, died with a lie in his mouth, and received, it seems, 
the just reward of his perfidious, villanous and multiplied 

Whilst these French privateers were making an attempt at 
New London, the people at Newport fitted out two vessels 
from thence with volunteers to engage them, supposing they 
were still at Block Island. These vessels were sloops, un- 
der the command of Captain and Commodore Paine, who 
had some years before followed the privateering design, and 
Captain John Godfrey, his second ; and inquiring for the 
French, they were told, that when they left the island they 
shaped their course westward toward New London ; upon 
which, our English vessels stretched off to the southward, 
and soon made a discovery of a small fleet standing east- 
ward. Supposing them to be the French they were in quest 
of, they tacked and came in as near the shore as they could 
with safety, carrying one anchor to wear and another to 
seaboard, to prevent the French boarding them on each side 
at once, and to bring their guns and men all on one side, the 
better to defend themselves and annoy the enemy. The 

Indian and French Wars. 2G9 

French probably discovered them also, and made all the sail 
they could, expecting to make prizes of them. Accordingly 
they sent a periauger before them, full of men, with design to 
pour in their small arms on them, and take them, as their 
manner was, supposing they were unarmed vessels and only 
bound upon trade. Captain Paine's gunner urged to fire on 
them. The Captain denied, alleging it more advisable to let 
the enemy come nearer under their command. But the gun- 
ner still urging it, being certain (as he said) he should rake 
fore and aft, thus with much importunity at length the Cap- 
tain gave him liberty. He fired on them, but the bullet went 
wide of them, and I saw it skip on the surface of the water 
several times, and finally lodged in a bank, as they were not 
very far distant from the shore. This brought them to a 
stand, and to row off as fast as they could and wait until their 
vessels came up. When they came, they bore down on the 
English, and there ensued a very hot sea-fight for several 
hours, though under the land, the great barque foremost, 
pouring in a broadside with small arms. Ours bravely an- 
swered them in the same manner, with their huzzas and 
shouting. Then followed the larger sloop, the captain 
whereof was a very violent, resolute fellow. He took a glass 
of wine to drink, and wished it might be his damnation if he 
did not board them immediately. But as he was drinking, 
a bullet struck him in his neck, with which he instantly fell 
down dead, as the prisoners (before spoken of) afterward 
reported. However, the large sloop proceeded, as the fore- 
most vessel had done, and the lesser sloop likewise. Thus 
they passed by in course, and then tacked and brought their 
other broadside to bear. In this manner they continued the 
fight until the night came on and prevented their farther 
conflict. Our men as valiantly paid them back in their own 
coin, and bravely repulsed them, and killed several of them. 
The Captain, before spoken of, with one or more were after 
driven on the shore. In this action the continued fire was 
so sharp and violent, that the echo in the woods made a 
noise as though the limbs of the trees were rent and tore off 
from their bodies (as I have observed); yet they killed but 
one man, an Indian fellow of the English party, and wound- 
ed six white men, who after recovered. They overshot our 
men, so that many of their bullets, both great and small, 
were picked up on the adjacent shore. 

270 Niks' s History of the 

Our men expected a second encounter in the morning, 
and their ammunition being much spent, sent in the night 
for the island's stock,, as the French lay off at anchor but a 
small distance from them all the night. But having found 
the engagement too hot for them, they hoisted their sails 
and stood off to sea ; and one reason might be this (as was 
reported) that their Commodore understood by some means 
that it was Captain Paine he had encountered, said, "He 
would as soon choose to fight with the devil as with him." 
Such was their dialect. Now this Captain Paine, and Peckar 
the French Commodore, had sailed together a privateering, 
Paine captain, and Peckar his lieutenant, in some former 
wars. The French standing off to sea, Captain Paine and 
Captain Godfrey, and their soldiers, with the valor and spi- 
rit of true Englishmen, pursued them, but the privateers 
being choice sailers, were too light of foot for them. The 
French, finding that they hauled on the vessel before spoken 
of, loaded with wines and brandy, which was not so good a 
sailer as the others, and fearing the English would make a 
prey of her, fired a great shot through her bottom, so that 
when our men came to her she was sunk under water in her 
fore part, the stern only buoyed up by a long-boat fastened 
to it ; and as she was standing right up and down in the 
water, they could not get any thing out of her. They no 
sooner cut the painter, but she instantly sunk to the bottom. 
They brought the boat with them in their return, which was 
the only prize and trophy of their victory; only as the ene- 
my were vanquished, and that they had so courageously 
chased them off the New-England coast. When Peckar 
heard that Trimming was killed, he greatly lamented, and 
said, he had rather have lost thirty of his men. . 

Before the year was expired; some of the same company, 
with others, landed in the night and surprised the people in 
their beds, and proceeded in like manner as before, plunder- 
ing houses, stripping the people of their clothing, killing 
creatures and making great waste and spoil ; but killed no 
person. I suppose I was the greatest sufferer of any under 
their hands at this time ; for before I had dressed myself, 
one of their company rushed into the chamber where I lodg- 
ed. After some free and seemingly familiar questions he 
asked me, which I answered with like freedom ; but being 
alone, without any of his company, not knowing what dan- 

Indian and French Wars. 271 

ger might befall him (as I after apprehended)— -on a sudden, 
and with a different air, he says to me, "Go down, you 
dog." To which I replied, "Presently; as soon as I have 
put on my stockings and shoes." At which, with the muz- 
zle of his gun he gave such a violent thrust at the pit of my 
stomach, that it threw me backward on the bed, as I was 
sitting on the bed side, so that it was some time before I 
could recover my breath. As soon as I could, I gathered 
them up. He drew his cutlass and beat me, smiting with all 
his power, to the head of the stairs, and it was a very large 
chamber. He followed me down the stairs, and then bound 
my hands behind me with a sharp small line, which soon 
made my hands swell and become painful. How I managed 
after with my stockings and shoes I have now forgot. How- 
ever, after this I met with no abuse from them the whole 
time of their slay on the island. 

The first time the island was taken, of which I have given 
a narrative before, I took the first opportunity to make my 
escape, and some others did the like ; and though we camp- 
ed in a small piece of upland in a great swamp, yet every 
leaf that stirred with the wind, made me with surprise con- 
clude the French were come upon us. This made me 
determine with myself, that if ever it were my lot in provi- 
dence to be taken by them again, I would continue in and 
see the worst of my bondage, until it pleased God to send 
me deliverance. This resolution I held, though I had a fair 
opportunity to make an escape, and notwithstanding the ill 
treatment I met with at first, as before is related. 

The French came a third time while I was on the island, 
and came to anchor in the bay on Saturday, some time be- 
fore night ; and acquainted us who they were and what they 
intended, by hoisting up their white colors. None of the 
people appearing to oppose them, and having, at this time, 
my aged grand-parents, Mr. James Sands and his wife, be- 
fore mentioned, to take the care of, with whom I then dwelt ; 
knowing also, that if they landed they would make his house 
the chief seat of their rendezvous, as they had done twice 
before, and not knowing what insults or outrage they might 
commit on them, I advised to the leaving their house, and 
betaking themselves to the woods for shelter, till they might 
return under prospects of safety ; which they consented to. 
Accordingly we took our flight into the woods, which were 

272 Niks' s History of the 

at a considerable distance, where we encamped that night 
as well as the place and circumstances would allow, with 
some others, that for the like reasons fell into our company. 
The riext morning, being Lord's day morning, I expressed 
my desire to go occultly and see the conduct of the French, 
and their proceedings. One of the company offered to go 
with me. We went together, and placed ourselves on the. 
top of a hill, where were small bushes and a large swamp 
behind us, but in fair sight of the house I went from, viz. 
my grandfather's house. It seems the French had not 
landed till that morning, for we had not long been seated 
there before we saw them coming from the water-side in two 
files, which made a long train, with their colors flying, and, 
if I mistake not, their trumpet sounding. (I did not then 
think of counting their number.) Thus they came in tri- 
umph, and as absolute lords of the soil and all belonging 
thereto, — as indeed they were for the time; 'but; their reign 
was but short, as the sequel will prove. (My companion in 
this discovery was Mr. Thomas Mitchell, who then, and 
many years after, was an inhabitant on Block Island, alias 
New Shoreham.) In this manner they went to the house, 
and immediately set up their standard on a hill on the back 
side of it, and directly shot and killed three hogs fatted with 
whey in a sty, and then killed the geese, as there were 
many there. Having had but little sleep the night before, 
I proposed to Mr. Mitchell to keep a good look-out, and 
watch their motions, till I endeavored to sleep a little, and 
thus to proceed interchangeably ; when I made the hard 
ground my lodging for the time, which was long. Upon 
my awaking, he lay down ; and as he lay and slept, the 
French fired many guns at the house, and I heard several 
bullets whistling over my head. Suspecting they had made 
some discovery of us, I awakened him, telling him what I 
had observed ; therefore that it was advisable to shift our 
quarters. Accordingly, as we were moving from the place, 
we espied a large ship about a league to leeward of the 
township, riding at anchor, (the fog at sea had been very 
thick till then), which happened to be Captain Dobbins, in 
the Nonesuch man-of-war, stationed in those seas, which we 
at first sight supposed. This ship appearing, put the French- 
men into a great surprise, by their motions, by running up 
to their standard on the hill, then down again, and others 

Indian and French Wars. 27'i 

doing the like. The man-of-war still making all sail possi- 
ble, there being but a small breeze of wind at southwest, 
and right ahead, according to the sailors' phrase, they soon 
left the house, and with all speed and -seeming confusion 
hastened to their vessel. Upon this, we went boldly to the 
house, and found the floor covered with geese, with blood, 
and feathers; the quarters of the hogs they had killed hang- 
ing up in one and another part of the house, — a melancholy 
sight to behold. Their manner of dressing hogs after they 
had quartered them, was to singe off the hair over a flame ; 
and their method to command the cattle was (as I saw when 
they took us before) to thrust their cutlasses in at their loins, 
and on a sudden the hind quarter would drop down, and as 
the poor creature strove to go forward, the. blood would 
spout out of the hole, and fly up near or full out a yard in 
height. But to return, — the Frenchmen hastened on 
board, as they had taken many prisoners in their passage, 
and among others, one Captain Rodney, with his lady, a 
gentleman of a fine estate, coming from the West Indies, with 
all his substance, to settle in this country. They robbed 
him of all his wealth, insomuch, as in my hearing his wife 
related, that when they saw they were likely to be taken, 
she took a bag of money and hid it in the privatest part she 
had. However, they found it out, and took it from her. 
These prisoners they used the utmost dexterity to, set on 
shore, and leave behind them ; which they no sooner had 
done but they set sail to make their escape, the Nonesuch 
all this while pressing hard to windward. Soon after these 
privateers took to their heels, hoping to get out of the man- 
of-war's reach, the fog thickened, and .the wind rose and 
blew hard at southwest, so that we quickly lost sight of 
them both. The French kept close upon the wind, in hopes 
to weather a place called Noman's Land, lying southward 
of Martha's Vineyard ; but the wind scanting on them, and 
blowing hard, they ran into a place (if I mistake not) called 
Buzzard's Bay, which emphatically proved so to them. 
There they were land-locked, and could not get out, al- 
though the French vessel was quickly out of sight by reason 
of the thick fog which continued. Yet as if the Nonesuch 
had tracked them by the print of their heels in the ocean, 
or had followed them in their wake, she came in upon them. 
Providence so ordering, and "ook them. When they saw, 

274 Niks' s History of the 

to their astonishment, the man-of-war so unexpectedly over- 
taking them, about 40 of their men went on shore and were 
disarmed and seized by the people that dwelt near the place, 
and sent prisoners to Boston. The others on board Captain 
Dobbins took and made prisoners of war, and their ship be- 
came a rich prize, which we saw about three days after 
following him into Newport, where she was condemned. 

These French privateers, or some others, came a fourth 
time, and landed on Block Island, in the former war with 
France; but the people on the island took courage, and en- 
countered them in an open pitched battle, and drove them 
off from the shore, without any hurt to the English, except 
one man slightly wounded in his finger. They never after 
that troubled the people any more. 

The great spoil made on the island by the French, in 
their repeated visits, and particularly on my father's inter- 
est, occasioned my staying from school six years (when I 
intended only a short visit to my friends). In this time I 
turned my hand to husbandry, and sometimes to handicraft. 
I helped to build a vessel, among other things, for the West 
India trade, and caulked one side and the master-workman 
the other; and she proved very tight, and answerable to the 
design. After the space of six years thus employed, I re- 
turned again to school, so that, by reason of this delay, I 
was near two-and-twenty years old when I entered into the 
College at Cambridge, the reverend Dr. Increase Mather 
then being President, — and Mr. John Leverett, afterward 
President, and Mr. William Brattle, after the reverend pas- 
tor of Cambridge church, were the only fellows. The kind- 
ness of these worthy gentlemen I hope not to forget, who, 
I conclude, favored me the more, as I was the first that came 
to college from Rhode Island government. 

To return to an enumeration of the slaughtered English 
people in the country by the French and Indians, which is 
principally intended. While the French and Indians were 
infesting Newfoundland, as before is shown, the poor peo- 
ple, in the frontiers on the main land were great sufferers ; 
for at Spruce Creek, in Kittery, they killed five and carried 
as many captive. Among the slain was Mrs. Hoel, a gen- 
tlewoman of good extract and education. But the greatest 
sufferer was Enoch Hutchins, in the loss of his wife and 

Indian and French Wars. Tib 

children. John Rogers was dangerously wounded, James 
Toby killed. About this time one Captain Crepoa, a French 
privateer, took seven vessels and a sloop, and carried them 
all to Port Royal, as it was then called, except the sloop, 
which was retaken by Captain Harris at Richmond's Island. 
About the same time also, one Michael Royal, a fisherman 
of Marblehead, as he went ashore to get wood, was hewed 
to pieces and barbarously murdered. On October 15th fol- 
lowing, the Indians fell on Cape Neddick, and took four 
children of Mr. Stovers, a little distance from the garrison ; 
the youngest, not able to travel, they knocked on the head, 
and carried the other three captive ; but being attacked by 
Lieutenant March, and losing one of their company, so en- 
raged them, that in way of revenge they killed another of 
the children. The English by this time becoming skilful in 
wearing snow-shoes, terrified the Indians to such a degree 
that they came not again in the winter. But in the spring, 
April 17, 1706, a small party fell on an out-house in Oyster 
river, and killed eight and wounded two. The garrison 
had not a man in it at that time; but the women assumed 
an Amazonian courage ; seeing nothing but death before 
them, they manfully ascended the watch-box and made an 
alarm; they put on hats, with their hair hanging down, and 
fired so smartly as struck a terror to the enemy, so that they 
drew off. The principal sufferer at this time was John 
Wheeler, who, supposing they were friendly Indians, un- 
happily fell under their fury. Two days after, Mr. Shap- 
leigh and his son fell into their hands as they were going to 
Kittery ; him they killed, and carried away his son to Can- 
ada, and in their march they were so inhuman and barbar- 
ously cruel as to bite off the tops of his fingers, and to stop 
the blood they sea-red them with hot tobacco pipes. 

June 1, Mr. Walker, being laden with provisions from 
Connecticut, was chased by a French privateer. To shun 
being taken by him, he ran ashore in his boat, and as he 
hastened to Rhode Island, alarmed the country round about. 
The people there were so expeditious, that in a few hours 
(by beat of the drum) 100 men, well equipped, voluntarily 
entered on board two sloops, under the command of Major 
Wanton, (after Governor there), and Captain Paine, the 
same famous old warrior that, with Captain Godfrey (as be- 
fore is related) put to flight the French fleet of privateers 

276 Niks' s History of the 

from Block Island. The very next day they made a prize 
of her, wherein were 37 men under the command of Captain 
Ferrel, bound for Port Jtoyal, as it was called while in the 
hands of the French, but now Annapolis. 

The year after, they did another brave exploit in taking a 
sloop from Placentia, with four guns, four patteraroes, and 
49 men, which undoubtedly prevented much mischief which 
otherwise would have befallen the country by these picka- 
roon rovers. 

Near this time, one Captain Rouse, of Charlestown, was 
sent by the Government to fetch captives from Port Royal, 
who made two voyages thither for that purpose. But his 
long stay there, and the few captives he brought home — the 
first time 17, and the second time but 7 — together with 
many other circumstances concurring therewith in several 
parts of his conduct, gave just ground of suspicion that he, 
with others, had carried on a private trade with the French ; 
which plainly appeared when examined into, and made 
great uneasiness and trouble in the Court. The General 
Assembly then sitting, many were indicted, with him, of 
treasonable correspondence with the enemy, and a procla- 
mation was issued for the seizure of all persons suspected 
in the affair. The country was thrown into a great ferment ; 
the generality greatly condemning the practice as traitorous 
and destructive to the land ; some, and those probably who 
were confederates in these illicit contraband proceedings, 
endeavored to extenuate and put a favorable gloss and con- 
struction on his actions, moving that they might not be 
styled traitorous, but rather acts of high misdemeanor. He, 
with some others, were imprisoned and fined, and so the 
matter issued ; but not without great uneasiness on the 
minds of the Court and country, that after the vast charge 
and effusion of blood, there was such found among us that, 
for their own private advantage, had sacrificed the lives of 
their neighbors, and clandestinely strengthened the hands of 
the enemy against us, with powder, shot, and other materi- 
als of war. 

Colonel Schuyler, who probably had intelligence of the de- 
signs of the French and Indians against our frontiers by 
Albany Indians, or others in those parts, and was of great 
service in advising us of their motions and intents, advised 
us of 270 of the enemy making their advances on the coun- 

Indian and French Wars. 211 

try. Their first descent was on Dunstable, the 3d of July, 
where they fell on a garrison that had 20 troopers to defend 
it ; but through their negligence and folly, not keeping a 
good watch, they suffered them to enter; they killed one 
half of them. They then attacked Daniel Galeucia's house, 
which he defended for some time, but at last surrendered ; 
upon which he acquainted them with, the weakness of the 
garrison they had made an attempt on before, as there were 
but two men and a boy in it ; one they had killed. Upon 
this information, they returned with greater courage and 
resolution, and assaulted the garrison ; upon which one of 
them; with the boy, made their escape on the back side, 
leaving only Jacob to fight the battle ; who for some time 
bravely defended himself, but being overpowered, and find- 
ing none to assist him, made his escape also ; but before he 
had got far, the enemy laid hold of him twice, yet with much 
struggling he rescued himself and escaped their fury. The 
next day a party of the enemy fell on Amesbury, where 
they killed eight. Two that were at work in the field, 
hearing the outcry, hastened to their relief; but being pur- 
sued, they ran for shelter to a deserted house, which had 
two flankers. To these they Repaired, in each of which 
they found an old gun, unfit for use, without powder or shot. 
Thrusting the muzzles of their guns out at the port-holes, 
they cried out, " Here they are, but do not fire till they 
come nearer;" which put the enemy into such a fright, that 
they instantly drew off. 

One Joseph English, a friendly Indian, was slain, in com- 
pany with a man and his wife on horseback, going from 
Dunstable to Chelmsford ; the woman was taken prisoner, 
but the man made his escape. On July 8, five Indians sur- 
prised a woman with eight children in an out-house in 
Reading ; they instantly killed four, the woman with the 
three youngest ; the rest they carried off. But the youngest 
of them, not able to travel, they knocked on the head, and 
left in a swamp, concluding it was dead, — but after was 
found alive. They made severe strokes on Chelmsford, 
Sudbury, and Groton, where they waylaid three soldiers as 
they were going to the "public worship; two of the company 
were killed, the third made an escape. The people in the 
neighborhood pursued them the next morning so close that 
they recovered three of the captives, and put the enemy 

278 Niks' s History of the 

into such a terror that they quitted their plunder and seve- 
ral blankets, and the other captives. 

At Exeter, a company of French Mohawks lay lurking 
about Captain Hilton's garrison, and observing some to go 
with their scythes to mow, lay in ambush till they laid their 
arms by and were at work ; they then rushed on suddenly, 
and intercepting them from their arms, killed four of them, 
wounded one, and carried three captive ; so that out of ten 
two only escaped. The two that escaped were Mr. Edward 
Hall and Samuel Myals, who after some time found means 
to make their flight from the enemy ; but the fatigue and 
difficulty they went through, besides the terror and fear of 
being taken again, was almost incredible, for in three weeks 
together they had nothing to subsist on excepting a few lily 
roots and the bark of trees. 

Several captives still remaining in the hands of the French 
and Indians, Mr. Sheldon went a second time with a flag of 
truce to Canada, and brought 45 with him, and might have 
brought more away, had not the Jesuits prevented him. , 

The poor captives, in the hands both of the French and 
Indians, many of them, met with hard usage, according to 
the tempers and dispositions of those who had the command 
of them ; for scarce a day passed but some act of cruelty was 
committed, insomuch that through fear of the continuance of 
life on the one hand, and the terrors of death on the other, 
they were continued daily martrydoms, as Mr. Penhallow 
expresses it. 

It would be endless to relate the cruelties and hardships 
that the captives underwent in their travels and insults of 
their heathen and savage masters, especially some of them 
into whose hands they fell, and many signal deliverances 
granted in the wise and merciful overruling providence of 
God, when in utmost hazard, which ought never to be for- 
gotten. I shall here insert two of three, superadded to 
some spoken of before, and which may be further added in 
the course of this narrative. 

The first I shall mention is of one Rebecca Taylor, ac- 
cording to her own account after she returned from her cap- 
tivity. One Captain Sampson, before mentioned, that was 
her cruel master, resolved to hang her (without any provo- 
cation that she knew of), and for want of a rope he made 
use of his girdle, putting it about her neck; but in hoisting 

Indian and French Wars. 279 

her up to the limb of a tree, the weight of her body broke 
his girdle. The disappointment enraged this furious monster 
to that degree, that he resolved to make a second attempt, 
and if that failed, to beat out her brains with his hatchet. 
But before he had power to effect it, Bomaseen came to the 
place, and seeing the tragedy in hand, prevented the fatal 

The next was a child of Mrs. Hannah Parsons, which they 
intended to make a sacrifice to satisfy their hunger, being 
much straitened for food, and purposed to roast it alive. 
But while the fire was kindling, a company of French Mo- 
hawks came down the river in a canoe, in which they 
brought some dogs. Upon this they offered to give this 
child for one of their dogs in way of exchange ; but this the 
other party slighted. At last they offered them a gun, 
which they readily accepted. -Thus by a strange providence 
the poor child was delivered from their voracious, blood- 
thirsty jaws. 

The third was of one Samuel Butterfield, sent to Groton 
a soldier. As he, with others, was gathering in the harvest, 
he was attacked by the Indians. His bravery was such that 
he killed one, and wounded another ; but being overpower- 
ed, was constrained to yield. It happened that the slain 
Indian was a sagamore of high esteem among them, as he 
was active and dextrous in war, which increased their la- 
mentation and gave a keener edge to their rage and furious 
disposition. But not agreeing among themselves in what 
cruel and barbarous manner to glut their revenge on him, 
at length determined to leave the issue to the decision of the 
squaw-sachem, who replied, "Fortune de la guerre ;" which I 
well remember was a phrase frequently used by the French 
when I was their prisoner. The English of it is — The for- 
tune of war. But when some appeared uneasy hereat, she 
said, " If by killing him you can bring my husband to life 
again, I beg you to study what death you please; but if 
not, let him be my servant," — which he was, and met with 
much kindness from her in the whole time of his captivity. 

[On account of the unexpected length of this article, the remainder is 
deferred to a future volume. Publishing Committee] 

280 Col. Juan Galindo's Letter. 

To the Honorable Thomas L. Winthrop, 

President of the Massachusetts Historical Society. , 

Carthage, Costarrica, Febr'y. 16th, 1837. 

I had the honor of transmitting to the Society from Lon- 
don, my Chorographical Description of this State and Cen- 
tral America in general. The Introduction is, by Captain 
John Washington, R. N., Secretary of the Royal Geographi- 
cal Society, a native of Cheshire, in England, who assures 
me he is a relation of your great liberator. Father Gage, 
mentioned therein, was the first author who gave any account 
of Central America, in the English language. He travelled 
through the greater part of our five States, just two centu- 
ries ago, and, as far as I am enabled to judge, his History is 
one of great veracity, excepting where his superstition 
misled him. 

Thomas Gage was born in England, at the latter end of 
the 16th century, the second son of a highly respectable 
Catholic family. His father, resting every hope on having 
Thomas educated for a Jesuit, sent him in 1614 to the 
College of St. Omers in France. Incurring his father's 
most vindictive anger, he however professed as a Dominican 
at Valladolid in Spain, and passed to the monastery of that 
order in Xerez, under the name of Fray Tomas de Santa 
Maria. In consequence his father wrote him that he would 
have preferred seeing his son a scullion in a College of 
Jesuits, than a general of the Dominican order ; intimating 
to Thomas never to see him again, and that he would disin- 
herit him ; which threat -the old man, dying some years 
afterwards, kept punctually. 

Banished from and disinherited in his native land, friar 
Thomas was induced to abandon Europe, and join a mission 
of Dominicans destined to the Philippines. In the port of 
Cadiz, however, he was nearly detained by a particular 
order from the king of Spain, that no English priest should 

Col. Juan Galindo's Letter. 281 

pass to the Indies, having a country of their own to convert. 
Nevertheless, his brother Dominicans, and their superior, 
Antonio Calvo, smuggled him on board, hiding him from all 
search in a biscuit barrel. 

The route of the mission was by Vera Cruz, Mexico and 
Acapulco, across the Pacific. The fleet in which they sail- 
ed, touched at Guadaloupe, which island they found still 
(1625), solely inhabited by the aborigines, whom Gage de- 
scribes as Indians, with straight hair ; whereas the sole 
remnant of the Caribs, who were transported in 1796 by 
the British government from St. Vincent to the Bay of Hon- 
duras, were and are a race of negroes at the present day. 
These Guadaloupe Indians, though at first apparently 
friendly, set upon a watering party of Europeans on shore, 
and killed and wounded several with poisoned arrows. 

The Dominican mission was lodged nearly five months in 
a country house near the city of Mexico, waiting the period 
for their proceeding to Acapulco. But the evening before 
Calvo and the rest of the monks departed, Gage and three 
others fled from Mexico for Guatemala, deterred from fol- 
lowing their original destination by bad accounts they heard 
of the Philippines, and the great distance of the voyage to 
those islands. An Irish friar had agreed also to accompany 
his companions in their flight ; but his heart failed before 
the day arrived, and he proceeded with Calvo to Acapulco. 

The runaways were well received in the convents of the 
kingdom of Guatemala, and Gage remained about six 
months in that of Chiapas, as professor or teacher of Latin. 
He however had previously determined to practise philoso- 
phy and divinity in the university of Guatemala, and set out 
for that city in September, 1626. He describes the prior of 
the cloister at Comitan as a Frenchman, and the only 
foreigner besides himself in the whole country. He speaks 
in most grateful terms of that prior's civilities, which he 
experienced on his way to Guatemala from Chiapas. 

The following year, Gage was appointed reader of arts 
in the Dominican convent of Guatemala, and two years later 
received a formal authorization from the bishop to preach, 
hear confessions &c, throughout the diocese. 

Shortly afterwards, he joined friar Francisco de Moran, 
prior of the Dominican convent of Coban, in an expedition 
to cross the continent from Ve/apas to Yucatan. The two 


232 Col. Juan Galindo's Letter. 

monks were escorted by 50 Spanish soldiers and 100 In- 
dians, and penetrated some way towards the lake of Peten, 
of which they were informed by some prisoners they made. 
However they were twice attacked by the Indians, and dis- 
heartened in pursuing their journey, returned to Coban. 

From that city, Gage accompanied Moran on an idle jour- 
ney to the Golfo Dulce and Trugillo, from whence they re- 
turned to Guatemala by land, through Comayagua and 
Gracias, in which former city they were received with great 
and general applause for their perilous expedition towards 
Peten, and attempts to reduce the Indians ; which Moran 
again undertook, passing on foot with only two or three 
Indians by the lake of Peten, as far as the Spanish settle- 
ments in Yucatan. He was kindly treated by the Indians, 
and described the great numbers of the Itsaes (a powerful 
tribe of Mayas) inhabiting about the lake. He returned the 
way he went, wrote a book about the country he discovered, 
and proceeded to Spain to urge the conquering of it. But, 
however, this was not effected till sixty-six years later ; 
and indeed, the final conquest of the remnant of the Mayas, 
was only completed in 1833, by myself ; as detailed in the 
bulletin enclosed to the American Antiquarian Society on 
the 13th of April of that year. 

Gage preferred being priest of the two procouchi towns 
of Mixco and Pinula united, both situated on the table land, 
where New Guatemala now stands. 

Gage's own work, published in 1648, continues his subse- 
quent history ; how much to his credit, each reader will 
determine for himself. 

After his return to England and profession of Protestant- 
ism, Gage was the principal adviser of the undertaking 
against Haiti, and took upon himself to be the chief guide. 
He died in Jamaica, shortly after its capture by the English. 


I have the honor to be 

Your most Obedient, 

Humble Servant, 

Juan Galindo. 

General Mattoon's Letter. 283 

To the Massachusetts Historical Society. 


In the Memoirs of Major General Heath, page 129, 
is this statement, concerning the battle near Saratoga, in 
1777— "Among the wounded, were Generals Arnold and 
Lincoln, both in the leg. The former, but slightly ; — it was 
problematical whether the latter was wounded by a British or 
American soldier." 

In February last, being in company with General Ebene- 
zer Mattoon, of Amherst, I ascertained that he was present 
on that occasion ; and I addressed to him a letter, request- 
ing any information on the subject of the wound received by 
General Lincoln, he might possess. 

Having received from him the accompanying letter, I 
transmit it, for such use as the Historical Society may deem 
it expedient to make of it. 

Respectfully, yours, 

Josiah Quincy. 

Cambridge, 29th June, 1837. 

Boston, FeVy. 3d, 1837 

Hon. Josiah Quincy, 

President of Harvard University. 
Dear Sir, 

I have received your letter of the 2nd inst. ? requesting 
me to state, in writing, the circumstances within my knowl- 
edge, which prove that General Lincoln was wounded in 
the leg by a shot from the enemy, and not by a shot from 
an American soldier, as has been intimated in a publication 
by an officer in the American rrmy. In reply to your in- 

284 General Mattoon's Letter. 

quiry, I would observe, that on the morning of October 8, 
1777, I, being a Lieutenant of Artillery, was requested by 
General Lincoln to accompany him on horseback, while- 
reconnoitring the lines of the enemy, as his aids were then 
engaged. I told him, I would accompany him with pleas- 
ure. I accordingly mounted a horse, belonging to one of 
his aids, and rode with him, agreeably to his request. The 
two armies were posted on Bemis's Heights, the American 
army on the west, and the British army on the east. While 
riding notherly, in the direction of the lines of the two 
armies, and between them, I being on the left of General 
Lincoln and very near him, he exclaimed, " The rascals 
have struck me." On hearing this exclamation, I immedi- 
ately turned my horse to his right, and on examination, 
found that his right ancle had been severely fractured, by a 
musket shot from the enemy. I have been thus particular 
in describing the relative position of the two armies, and 
the direction in which we were riding, as confirmatory of 
my statement, that the wound, being in his right ancle, 
must have been caused by a shot from the British line, and 
not from one of our own men. I am not aware, that there 
was ever any contemporaneous report, contravening the 
above statement. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obd't. serv't., 

E. Mattoon. 

Bill of Mortality for the City of Boston. 


General Abstract of the Bill of Mortality for the City of Boston, from 
January 1, 1836, to January 1, 1837, agreeably to the Records kept 
at the Health Office. 














55 ^ 

M. F 

18 20 

11 7 

12 8 

10 9 
9 11 

11 8 
9 12 

25 31 

30 34 

19 21 

10 10 

9 7 

M. F 

6 \ 

M. F. 
5 3 

7 8 

10 10 

7 8 
15 11 

8 9 

4 9 
7 10 

5 15 

189 183 94 106 78 63 38 28 32 45 95 117 90 86 82 58 61 44 32 29 24 38 11 14 

12 11 

4 9 

9 7 

5 5 

6 4 
8 7 

11 5 
5 6 
8 3 

11 12 

5 10 

6 7 

6 2 
8 10 
5 7 

M. F. 
3 3 

M. F. 
1 2 





3 2 2 4 122 1770 

The following are the Diseases, as far as they have been reported to the Health 
which have occasioned the Deaths in the City, during the past year. 

Apoplexy, - 

- 19 

Fever, Nervous, 


Marasmus, - 

- 11 


- 31 

" Intermittent, - 



- 6 

Aneurism of Aorta, 

- 1 

" Inflammatory, - 


Old Age, - 

- 82 


- 1 

" Rheumatic, 



- 14 


- 3 

" Lung, 



- 11 


- 4 

'■' Bilious, - 


Piles, - " - 

- 1 

Bowels, diseases of 

- 78 

" Scarlet, - 



- 5 


- 8 

" Typhus, - 


Rash, - 

- 1 

Brain, diseases of 

- n 

" Brain, 


Rupture of vessel, 

- 1 

Bleeding at the lungs 

- 3 

Fracture of skull, 


Scald, - 

- 2 

Chicken pox, 

- 1 

Gravel, - 



- 8 


- 233 

Glands, disease of 


Spine, disease of - 

- 4 

Child-bed, - 

- 23 

Gout, - 



- 122 


- 42 

Hooping cough, - 



- 9 


- 28 

Heart, disease of - - 



- 12 


- 6 

Hanged, ... 



- 13 


- 8 

Hives, ... 


Small Pox, - 

- 5 


- 2 

Hip, disease of - 



- 1 

Cholera-morbus, - 

- 7 

Infantile diseases, 



- 1 


- 23 

Insanity, - 


Suffocation, - 

- 2 


. .35 



Stomach, disease of 

- 3 

Dropsy of brain, - 

- 68 




- 45 

Delirium tremens, 

- 5 

" of Lungs, 



- 1 


- 11 

ie of Bowels, 


Throat Distemper, 

- 11 


- 17 

" of Throat, 


Uterus, disease of 

- 1 


- 12 

« of Brain, 


Ulcer, - - - 

- 1 

Dropsy of chest, - 

- 6 

« of Bladder 


Unknown diseases, 

- 85 


- 6 

Influenza, - 



- 7 

Dropsy of heart, - 

- 9 

Jaundice, - 



- 1 

Dysentery, - 

- 32 

Kidney, disease of 


White Swelling, - 

- 1 

Dyspepsia, - 

- 3 

Liver, disease of - 




Lock Jaw, - 



Erysipelas, - 

- 3 




Fevers, unknown, 

- 6 

Murdered, - 







Population in 1830, 61,392;— in 1835, 78,603. 





1. Medal, apparently struck in France early in the Revolution. 
Diameter 1£ inch. 

Obverse. Head, after the Roman model, with cropped hair, having 
no likeness to Washington. 

Legend. G. Washington, E r ., General of the Continental 
Army in America. 

Reverse. Cannon, mortars, drum, trumpets, standards, he. In the 
rear the beams of the rising Sun. 

Legend. Washin : reunit, par un rare assemblage, les ta- 


2. Large Medal, struck by order of Congress, commemorative of the 
yacuation of Boston. Diame 
Hist. Coll. Vol. IV. page 300. 

Evacuation of Boston. Diameter 2^ inches. Described in 3 Mass. 

3. A Medal apparently struck in England, in 1794. Diameter l T 9 <y 

Obverse. Head and bust of Washington in regimentals — a likeness, 
but a caricature, — hair dressed in the style of Frederick the Great. 

Legend. George Washington, born Virginia, — and below, 
Feb. 11, 1732. 

Engraver's name, under the bust, Brooks, sc. 

Reverse. Inscription, in parallel lines, General of the American 
Armies 1775. Resigned 1783. President of the United 
States 1789. 

4. Small Medal. Diameter li inqh. 

Obverse. Head and bust in regimentals ; a likeness, but not a very 
good one. 

Legend. Same as in the last. 

Reverse. Inscription same as in the last, and similarly arranged. 

5. Small Medal. Diameter 1-^ inch. 

Obverse. Head and bust in citizen's dress. On the bust Engraver's 
name, Lyon. 

Legend. George Washington. Below, 1796. 

Reverse. In the centre a scroll, on which the words Repub: 

Description of American Medals. 287 

Americ : Behind the scroll, a cannon, fasces and caduceus crossed — 
the Legend arranged round it in circles — beginning on the exterior. 
Gen l - of the American Armies 1775. Resigned the Com.m"- 
1783. Elec d - President of the United States 1789. Resign- 
ed the Presidency 1796. 

6. Medal struck on the occasion of the Resignation of the Presidency, 
at the U. S. Mint, at the expense of Joseph Sanson, Esq. of Philadel- 
phia. Diameter 2^V inches. 

Obverse. Head and bust, in citizen's dress. Not a good likeness. 
On the bust the Engraver's name, Halladay so. 

Legend. George Washington, President of the United 

Reverse. On an altar partly covered with drapery (on one side the 
shield with the national stripes) lie the sword and fasces, crossed and 
encircled by a wreath of laurel. 

Legend. Commission resigned. Presidency relinquished. 

Exergue. 1797. 

7. Medal. Diameter 1| inch. 

Obverse. Head and bust, in citizen's dress. A long straight face, 
a bad likeness. 

Legend. George Washington. 

Reverse. Inscription in parallel lines — -General of the American 
Armies 1775. Resigned Command 1783. Elected President 
of the United States 1789. Re-elected 1793. Resigned 

8. Medal on the Death of Washington. Diameter about 3 inches. 
Obverse. Head of Washington, crowned with a wreath. 
Legend. George Washington. 

Reverse. A Tomb and Urn. A child weeping on the urn, — and 
at the side an armed female Figure (Liberty ?) with the shield of the 
United States, also weeping. On the tomb, victor sine clade. 
Surrounding and behind, arms, ensigns, he. 

Legend. He is in glory — the World in tears. 

Exergue. Born Feb. 11, 1732. Died Dec 14, 1799. 

9. Medal. Diameter 1^- inch. 

Obverse. Head and bust in citizen's dress ; face a likeness, but 
with sunken cheeks and marks of age. On the bust Engraver's initial 
H., and a Mint mark below oak leaf and acorn. 

Legend. Washington. Born February 22, 1732. Died De- 
cember 21, 1799. 

Reverse. A beautiful figure of Fame flying from the land across 
the ocean ; a wreath in her left hand, and a trumpet to her mouth ; — 
a ship in sail, and a sun setting. 

Legend. Wisdom, Virtue and Patriotism. 

Exergue, mdccciii. 

288 Description of American Medals. 

10. A large Medal. Diameter 3 inches. 

Obverse. Head and bust in Roman armor. Engraver's name on 
bust, Webb. 

Legend. General Washington. Inscribed to his Memory 


Reverse. In the centre the figure of an Indian Chief leaning on a 
bow, with an arrow in the left hand ; and around him, the land was 

Legend. Arranged in rings, beginning at the outside. He laid 
the foundation of American Liberty in the 18 th century.— 
Innumerable millions yet unborn will venerate the memory 

11. Medal of the Washington Benevolent Society. 

Obverse. Figure of Liberty crowning the bust of Washington. — 
On the pedestal " defender of his country." 
Legend. Washington Benevolent Society. 
Exergue. N 1808. 

Reverse. Figure of a Warrior in Roman costume relieving a Beggar. 
Legend. Benevolence. 
Exergue. New York. 

12. French Medal of the Numismatic series. Diameter If inch. 
Obverse. Head of Washington. 

Legend. Georgius Washington. Engraver's name, Vivier. 

Reverse. In parallel lines, natus Virginia in America foederata 
an : mdccxxxii. obiit an : mdccxcix. Series Numismatica Univer- 
salis Virorum Illustrium mdcccxix. Durand edidit. 

13. Medal for distribution among the Indians. Diameter 2-| inches. 
A Bust of Washington on a pedestal — by the side branches of palm 

and laurel — on the pedestal a landscape is represented, on the left of 
which are military trophies ; in the centre a man ploughing ; in the 
rear a ship, &c. On the right of the pedestal the figure of Liberty ; on 
the left an Indian Chief. 

Legend. Gen : Geo : Washington Presi : of the Unit : Sta : 

Exergue. Born Feb. 1732. Died Dec. 1799. 

14. Medal of Washington and Franklin. Designed by J. Sanson 
of Philadelphia. Engraved by Reich. \ 

Obverse. Busts of Washington and Franklin side by side, the for- 
mer in regimentals. 

Reverse. Eagle descending with olive branch in his beak and thun- 
derbolts in his talons towards the Globe, on which are the outlines and 
inscription, "United States." Date 1783. 

Description of American Medals. 289 


1. Medal apparently struck in England. Diameter If inch. 
Obverse. Full face of Franklin in cap and open shirt-collar — not a 


Legend. B. Franklin of Philadelphia, ll. d. & f. r. s. 
Reverse. An oak tree struck by lightning. 
Legend. Non irrita fulmina curat. 
Exergue. 1777. 

2. French Medal. Diameter If inch. 

Obverse. Head and Bust of Franklin — his locks flowing down over 
the shoulders. Engraver's name on bust, dupre: f: 

Legend, benj. franklin natus boston, xvii jan. mdccv. 

Reverse. Figure of an Angel standing with one hand pointing to 
the lightning in the clouds — with the other to a broken sceptre and 
crown on the ground. In the rear a temple with a conductor. 

Legend, eripuit coglo fulmen sceptrumque tyrannis. 

Exergue. Sculpsit et dicavit Aug. Dupre, Anno mdcclxxxiv. 

3. Another French Medal. Diameter 1 J inch. 
Obverse. Same as the last. 

Reverse. The motto, eripuit ccelo fulmen sceptrumque ty- 
rannis, surrounded with a wreath of oak leaves. 

Exergue. Sculpsit et dicavit Aug. Dupre Anno mdcclxxxv. 

4. Masonic Medal. Diameter 1| inch. 
Obverse. Fine Bust of Franklin. 
Legend. Benjaminus Franklin. 

Reverse. Masonic symbols— the serpent ring — carpenter's square 
and compass. In the centre a triangle, and the sacred name in He- 
brew, &c. he. 

Legend. Les Mac : Franc : a Franklin M :. de la L — des 9 Soeurs 
O : de Paris 5778—5829. 

5. French Medal of the Numismatic Series. Diameter If inch. 
Obverse. Bust. Legend. Benjaminus Franklin. 

Reverse Legend. In parallel lines, Natus Bostonia in America An : 
mdccvi — Obiit Philadelphia An : mdccxc Series Numismatica Univer- 
salis Virorum Illustrium. 

MEDAL OF JEFFERSON. Diameter if inch. 

Obverse. Head and Bust. 

Legend. Tho: Jefferson, President of the U : S : 4 March 

290 Description of American Medals. 

Reverse. Figure of Liberty holding in her right hand a spear and 
cap of liberty ; in her left a scroll marked " Declaration of Inde- 
pendence," resting it on a rock on which is the word " Constitu- 
tion." Behind are colors, drums, cornucopia, he. From above an 
eagle descends with a crown of laurel, under his wing is protection. 

Exergue. To commemorate July 4, 1776. 

MEDAL OF DR. RUSH. Diameter 1 T \ inch. 

Obverse. Head and Bust of Dr. Rush. 

Legend, benjamin rush m. d. of Philadelphia. 

Reverse. A landscape, through which flows a river — against a tree 
is an open book, near which the name Sydenham — the book rests on a 
Stone on which are inscribed the words, " Read. ..Think.. .Observe." 

In the Exergue, a. mdcccviii & m. furst sc: 


1. Large Medal. 

Obverse. The spread eagle and shield. 

Legend. The United States of America. 

Reverse. Figure of America in Indian costume, seated on bales of 

merchandise and delivering the cornucopia to Mercury. 

Legend. To Peace and Commerce. 
Exergue, iv Jul : mdcclxxvi. 

2. English Medal on the Occasion of the Repulse of the American 
Troops at Germantown. 

Obverse. View of Chew's house, attacked by the Americans with 
two field-pieces. Name of Engraver below, i. milton f. 

Reverse. Within a laurel wreath the name Germantown, Oct 4, 

3. Medal on the occasion of the General Peace. 

Obverse. The figure of a King (Louis XVI ?) in his robes, pointing 
to a shield containing the American stripes which Liberty is suspend- 
ing on a pillar. 

Legend. Libertas Americana. 

Exergue, mdcclxxiii. 

Reverse. An armed Figure (Pallas ?) striking her spear in the 
earth, whence sprouts an olive branch. In her left hand she holds 
four shields, containing the arms of England, France, Spain, and Hol- 
land. A fifth shield lies on the ground. 

Legend. Communi Consensu. 

Description of American Medah. 29 1 

1. Silver Medal of Lord and Lady Baltimore, about 2 inches in 

Obverse. Head of Cascilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore. 

Legend, dms. c^ecilivs baro de baltemore absolvtvs. dms. 


Reverse. Head of his Lady. Legend, dna. anna arvndelia 


2. French Medal, on the Relief of Quebec when attacked by Sir 
William Phipps. Diameter 1| inch. 

Obverse. Head of Louis XIV. 

Legend. Ludovicus Magnus rex christianissimus. Below 
the head, Dollin. F. 

Reverse. Figure, representing the City of Quebec, with turreted 
crown, seated on a rock, leaning on the shield of the Bourbons— a 
beaver at her feet — pine trees above her head — behind her the captur- 
ed English flags. In the distance, the figure of a river god. 

Legend. Francia in novo orbe victrix. 

Exergue. Kebeca liberata mdcxc 

3. Medal of George I., probably intended for distribution among the 

' Obverse. Head of George I. 
Legend. George king of great Britain. 
Reverse. An Indian shooting a deer — sun in the zenith. 

4. Medal on the Capture of Louisburg. Diameter I T 7 7 inch. 
Obverse. A prostrate female figure (France) pointing to a reversed 

fleur de lys, and under the weight of a globe on which is sketched the 
map and inscribed the names America and Canada. Immediately 
above the globe a scroll with the words Pariter in bello, and on 
one side a grenadier, on the other a sailor waving his hat — in the rear 
the English flag — and above a figure of Fame with trumpet and crown 
of laurel. 

Reverse. English fleet attacking the town of Louisburg, which is 
seen on the right hand — on the left a light-house — in the centre a ship 
in flames — in front a floating battery, and on it an officer giving the 
order to discharge the cannon. 

Legend. Louisburg taken mdcclviii. 

5. Another Medal on the Capture of Louisburg. Diameter 1| in. 
Obverse. Head of Britannia, and a Trident. 

Legend. O fair Britannia hail. 

Reverse. Figure of Victory, with garland in her right hand and 
palm branch in her left, standing on the prow of a vessel. 
Legend. Louisburg taken mdcjlviii. 

292 Description of American Medals. 

6. Medal in honor of Admiral Boscawen on the Capture of Louis- 

Obverse. Head and Bust in armor, and a flowing wig. 
Legend, adml. boscawen took cape breton. 
Reverse. View of Louisburg bombarded by the fleet. At the top 
of the medal Louisbourg. 
Exergue. July 26, 1768. 

7. Medal struck by the Society for promoting Arts and Commerce 
on the taking of Quebec. Diameter If inch. 

Obverse. Female Head, and above it the word Britannia — below 
a garland, through which are crossed a trident and an antique military 
standard surmounted by a lion. Under the trident the name saunders, 
under the standard, wolfe. 

Reverse. Military trophies on a tree which Victory is crowning 
with a wreath — holding in her left hand a palm branch. To the foot 
of the tree an Indian is bound. 

Legend. Quebec taken mdcclix. 

Exergue. Soc : p. a. c. 

8. Medal struck by the Society for promoting Arts and Commerce, 
on the taking of Montreal. Diameter If inch. 

Obverse. Figure of France seated under a pine tree weeping ; by 
her side the shield, with club and axe-^-on the shield fleurs de lys and 
the letter l. — behind her (at the left), on a rock, an eagle flapping his 

Legend. Montreal taken mdcclx. 

Exergue. Soc. promoting arts and commerce. 

Reverse. Figure of Neptune reclining on the prow of a galley with 
an oar in his left hand — a beaver running up his left leg— above, sur- 
rounded by a wreath, the name amherst, and above the wreath, as a 
crest, a lion passant regardant. 

In the Exergue, the shield of France and Indian armor reversed. 

Legend. The Conquest of Canada compleated. 

9. Medal on the Conquest of Canada, struck by the Society for pro- 
moting Arts and Commerce. Diameter \i inch. 

Obverse. Head of George II. 
Legend. George II. King. 

Reverse. Female figure seated under a tree weeping — a beaver 
creeping on the other side (left). 
Legend. Canada subdued. 
Exergue, mdcclx. s.p.a.c 

10. Medal of George II. In honor of the victories of his Generals 
in the war with France, ending in 1760. Diameter 1 T 7 F inch. 

Obverse. Head and bust of George II. crowned with laurel — in ar- 
mor, with ribbon and star of the garter. 
Legend. Georgius II. rex. 

Description of American Medals. 293 

Reverse. In the centre shield with fleur de lys reversed, and the 
motto encircling it perfidia eversa. Supporters, crowned lion and 
unicorn — on a scroll below, w. pitt. ausp. geo. ii. pr. mi. Below, 
the date mdcclix. Around the medal the places and dates of the vic- 
tories, with the name of the commander under each, viz. 






monct'n. towns'd. 

SEP. 13 & 18. 







MAY 1. 

AUG. 19. 

AUG. 1. 

11. Medal of George II. in honor of victories in the same war. 
Diameter 1 t 7 q inch. 

Obverse. Head of George II. as in the last medal. 

Reverse. Britannia in a triumphal car, drawn by a lion, and sup- 
ported by Liberty and Justice, with their appropriate emblems — below, 
mdcclvii — above the figures, in a scroll, fkdus invictum. Around 
the medal, arranged as in the last, the places and dates of victories, and 
names of commanders, viz. 







12. Medal — probably for distribution among the Indians. 
Obverse. A View of Montreal, and above it the name Montreal. 
Reverse. The name mohighans. 

13. Medal struck on the repeal of the Stamp Act. Diameter 1 T ^ in. 
Obverse. Head in profile, probably Lord Chatham's. 

Legend, the restorer of commerce. 1766; and underneath, 
no stamps. 

Reverse. A ship in full sail — in front of her bows the word America. 

Legend, thanks to the friends of liberty and trade. 

14. Medal in honor of Lord Chatham. Diameter 1| inch. 
Obverse. Head of Lord Chatham. 

Legend, gulielmus pitt. 

Reverse. Inscription : the man — who having — saved the — 



294 Acknowledgment of Donations. 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 

The thanks of the Massachusetts Historical Society are presented 
for the following donations. 

CHARLES LOWELL, Corresponding Secretary. 

List of Donations from Jan. 1833, to May 29, 1834, omitted in the two last volumes. 

Sumner's Lecture on Speculative Masonry. 

Presented by the Author. 

Powder-horn taken from the Guerriere. Mr. Nathan Rice. 

Discourse on the Anniversary of the Landing at Plymouth ; Dud- 
leian Lecture ; Discourse before the Congregational Society in Water- 
town. Rev. Convers Francis. 

Indian Biography ; Farmer's Almanac, 1832; American Comic Al- 
manac, 1832 ; History of Quincy ; Speeches on the Indian Bill, 1830 ; 
History of Belfast, with Remarks on Acadia, by William White, 1827 ; 
History of the United States, by a Citizen of Massachusetts, 1824 ; 
Present State of New-England as to the Indian War — printed 1675, 
&c. Mr. Samuel G. Drake. 

M. Tullii Ciceronis Orationum pars prima, 1567 ; Cicero de Of- 
ficiis, Amicitia, Senectute, Paradoxa, et de Somnio Scipionis, 1629 ; 
Saybrook Platform of 1708. 

, William T. Williams, Esq. of Lebanon, Conn. 

Map of the original town of Newbury, 1830. 

Moses Pettingell, Esq. 

Life of George Washington, 2d edition, 1832. 

Hon. John Marshall. 

Copper Coin of James II., 1690. Mr. Charles Brintnall. 

Sadducismus Triumphatus, 1681. Charles C. Parsons, Esq. 

A Dissertation on the Origin of the American Population, by Pro- 
fessor Vater, translated by Mr. Duponceau, MS. ; Eulogium on the 
late Judge Tilghman, LL.D., by P. S. Duponceau. 

Mr. P. S. Duponceau, of Philadelphia. 

Boston Gazette, from January 1, 1754 to April 1, 1755, with some 
numbers deficient ; No. 627 of do. ; No. 506 of New-England Weekly 
Journal ; No. 704 of Boston Evening Post ; No. 2707 of Boston 
Weekly News Letter ; No. 37 of Boston Gazette or Country Journal ; 
Nos. 880, 883 and 1986 of do. ; No. 3764 of Massachusetts Gazette 
and Boston Weekly News Letter ; No. 2191 of Boston Gazette and 
Weekly Republican Journal ; Governor Leverett's Commission, MS. 
to Captain Thomas Smith, 1676, to transport and sell 70 of the captive 
Indians ; Governor Winslow's Commission, MS. to Captain Smith, 
1676, to transport and sell 110 Indian captives ; Governor Leverett's 
Pass for said Smith, MS., 1677 ; Governor Phipps's Commission, MS. 
to N. Williams as Captain of Militia, 1693 ; General Gage's Letter of 
June 25, 1775, to Earl of Dartmouth, containing an official account 
of Bunker Hill Battle ; Proceedings of the Provincial Convention at 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 295 

Concord, October 6, 1779, to regulate prices of Merchandise, fee. ; 
Proclamation of Provincial Congress for Fast, April 15, 1775 ; Gene- 
ral William Johnson's Letter from Lake George, 1755 ; Votes of Bos- 
ton 4 , 1773, relative to East India Company Tea ; Convention at Con- 
cord, 1779, about prices of Merchandise — and an Address ; Print of 
the Thirteen States united in a ring ; MS. copy of the Laws of Har- 
vard College, in Latin, as adopted November 22, 1692, he. 

Mr. Thomas Whittcmore. 

History of Portland, by William Willis. The Author. 

Beawe's Lex Mercatoria ; French Prayer Book ; Les Pseaumes de 
David, ed. 1756 ; Poesies de Malherbe, ed. 1777 ; La Sainte Bible, 
ed. 1761. Dr. Gamaliel Bradford. 

A Survey of England's Champions and Truth's Faithful Patriots, 
by Josiah Recraft, 1647 ; a volume containing a Letter from some 
aged Non-conforming Ministers to their Christian Friends touching the 
Reasons of their Practice, 170 L ; Sermons, he. I. P. Davis, Esq. 

Collection, of Indian Arrow-Heads. 

John Gray, Esq. of Kingston. 

Sermon, by Rev. Jasper Adams, before the Episcopal Convention, 
S. C. ; Address before the Euphradian Society of Charleston College, 
S. C. The Author. 

Catalogue of Williams College, 1832. 

Dr. Jacob Porter, Plainfield, Conn. 

Collections of Virginia Historical Society, Part I., Vol. I., Sic. 

The Society. 

Stedman's History of the American Revolutionary War. 

Mr. Tudor. 

Spanish American Newspapers, 4 vols. ; a large box of Spanish 
American and other pamphlets. Jared Sparks, Esq. 

Portrait of Dr. John Clark. Dr. John C. Howard. 

Warden's Bibliotheca Americana. Joseph E. Worcester, Esq. 

Portrait of Governor John Winthrop ; Reports of the Committees of 
the House of Commons, 1771, 2, 3, — 2 vols., 3d and 4th — folio ; 
Journals of the House of Lords, 1768 to 1773, Nos. 32, 33, fol.— and 
Journals of the House of Commons, 1772 to 1798, Nos. 34 to 52, fol. ; 
Index of these Journals up to the 45th vol., in 5 vols, fojio ; History 
of Peru, 2 vols. fol. ; History of Florida, 2 vols. fol. — these two works 
are in Spanish ; Costume of a Peruvian young Lady. 

Hon. Thomas L. Winthrop. 

Hitchcock's Geology of Massachusetts. Legislature of Mass. 

Edw. Everett's Address before the P.B.K. Society of Yale College, 

1833. The Author. 
American Quarterly Register, November, 1833 ; ditto for February, 

1834. American Education Society. 
Report of the Attorney General to Massachusetts Legislature, 1834. 

Hon. James. T. Austin. 
Catalogue of Books relative to America, in the Collection of Colonel 
Aspinwall, Consul of U. S. in Londoj. Colonel AspinivalL 

296 Acknowledgment of Donations, 

British American Orderly Book at Boston, 1776. 

Theodore Dwight, Jr., Esq. 

Documents of the First Session of 22d Congress. U. S. Congress. 

Business Letter in Arabic, signed by Mohammed Abdul Cada ; 
Arabic Account Current ; Letter in the Surat language ; Arabic Let- 
ters ; Ten Commandments in Latin, Portuguese, English, and Mah- 
ratta ; Cingalese, Hindostanee, and other Tracts ; Asiatic Calendar ; 
Waghorn's Address on Steam Navigation between India and England, 
1833 ; Captain J. H. Wilson on Steam Communication between Bom- 
bay and Suez, 1833. Mr. Isaiah W. P. Lewis. 

Gallatin's Report of the Union Committee, 1834. 

Lemuel Shattuck, Esq. 

A sheet of the Yeas and Nays on General Conway's Motion in the 
House of Commons, February 27, 1782, as to termination of War with 
the American Colonies, with some Remarks. 

Hon. Thomas Beekman, of New-York. 

History of Attleborough, by John Dagget. The Author. 

The, Farmer's Weekly Museum; New Hampshire and Vermont 
Journal, vols. 5, 6, 7 and 8, in one volume, beginning October 9, 1797 ; 
American Herald for 1785, and Independent Ledger and American 
Advertiser for 1785, 2 vols, in one. Dr. W. P. Greenwood. 

Appendix to Vol. 9th of Dane's General Abridgment of American 
Law. The Author. 

Tractate on Church Music, 1786 ; Discourse on the Death of Rev. 
Dr. Buckminster, by Rev. Nathan Parker, 1812 ; Simeon Doggett's 
Sermon at the Ordination of his Son, Theophilus P. Doggett, 1833 ; 
Statement of Premiums of the Humane Society of Massachusetts, 1829. 

Rev. Dr. Lowell. 

Discourse about Civil Government in a new Plantation, by Cotton 
H. Davenport, printed 1663. John Farmer, Esq. 

Description of New Sweden, by T. C. Holm, — translated by P. S. 
Duponceau, LL.D., 1834. Dr. James Mease, Philadelphia. 

Portrait of Rev. Dr. Charles Chauncy. Mr. Woodward. 

List of Donations from June 30, J 836, to June 29, 1837. 

Bound MS. of Rev. John Barnard ; Memoirs of the First Settle- 
ment of Barbadoes. Colonel S. Swett. 

A volume of Tracts, relative to a Bank of Credit, &ic. ; 13 Pam- 
phlets ; J. L. Homer's Address before the Massachusetts C. M. Asso- 
ciation, 1836 ; Influence of the Ministry at large in Boston, 1836; 
Dr. J. B. Whitridge's Oration, S. C, 1835 ; Annual Report of Prison 
Discipline Society, 1836 ; Centennial Discourse, by John Pitman, of 
Providence, 1836 ; Report of Seaman's Aid Society, 1837 ; Election 
Sermon, by Rev. D. Dana, D. D., 1837 ; Speech of Mr. Cowin on 
Reduction of the Revenue, 1837 ; Sermon, entitled the Good Mer- 
chant, 1837. Rev. Alexander Young. 

Documents of Treasury Department, 24th Congress; Letter of the 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 297 

Secretary of the U. S. Treasury, on the Cultivation, Manufacture, and 
Foreign Trade of Cotton, 1836. Hon. Levi Woodbury. 

Historical Tracts, relating to the Settlement of North America. 

Peter Force, Esq. 

New York Spectator, 2 vols., 1834 and 5. The Publishers. 

Thacher's Military Journal, and History of Plymouth. 

The Author. 

Governor Everett's Orations and Speeches ; National Intelligencer, 
from January 1 to August, 1836. Governor Everett. 

Quarterly Registers, four Nos. ; Annual Reports of American Edu- 
cation Society, 1835, 6. American Education Society. 

Historisch Antiquarische Mittheilungen Det Kongelige Nordiske 
Oldskriff Selshab — Antiquitates Americana?, and other Papers accom- 
panying them.. Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries. 

Letter from Secretary of War as to Canal from Lake Erie to Lake 
Ontario, Plans, &c. ; Speech of Mr. Tallmadge on Deposites of Public 
Money. Hon. Abbot Lawrence. 

General Court Documents of Massachusetts, 1836 and 1837 ; Elec- 
tion Sermon by Rev. D. Dana, D. D., 1837. Legislature. 

Report on the Brunswick Rail Road ; Catalogue of P.B.K. Society 
of New Hampshire, 1836 ; MS. papers of the late Dr. Snow. 

Joseph Willard, Esq. 

Sermon before Pastoral Association, 1836. 

Rev. John Codman, D. D. 

Catalogue of Books printed in the United States, 1804. 

Mr. Melvin Lord. 

Memoir of Penn's Treaty with the Indians in 1682. 

Messrs. Duponceau and J. F. Fisher, Philadelphia. 

Discourse before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania on William 
Penn, 1836 ; Memorial to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and 
Plantations, on the state of the American Colonies, 1703 ; Descrip- 
tion of 14 Medals of Washington, and 17 other Medals relative to 
America. J. F. Fisher, Esq. 

Three Lectures on Liberal Education, by J. S. Popkin, D.D. 1836. ; 
Yaradee, Plea for Africa, by F. Freeman, 1836 ; Dr. Green's Address 
at the Interment of, and a Sermon on the Death of R. Ralston, Esq., 
by C. C. Cuiler, D. D., 1836 ; Judge Pitman's Centennial Discourse ; 
Letters from the English Kings and Queens, by R. R. Hinman ; an 
Agreement between Commissioners of New York and Massachusetts, 
as to territory ; Audubon's Ornithological Biography, 3 vols. 

Hon. T. L. Winthrop. 

Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States, by T. Pit- 
kin, 1835. The Author. 

First Annual Report of the New York and Erie Rail Road Compa- 
ny, with a Report of the Survey, and a Map, 1835. 

The Company. 

Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Vol. 3d. Part 
2d. - The Society. . 

298 Acknowledgment of Donations. 

Twenty-one volumes of MS. Sermons, from 1653. 

Rev. H. A. Miles. 
Portrait of Rev. William Shurtliff. Mrs. Susan Parker of Exeter, 

and Mrs. Lucretia Lyman of Portsmouth. 
Portraits of Mrs. Shurtliff and Robert Pike, Esq. 

Mrs. Theodore Atkinson of Dover. 
New- Year's Gift to Virginia, printed 1610. E. A. Newton, Esq. 
Lecture on South Sea Islands, by Hon. John Pickering, 1836 ; 
Congressional Documents for 1818, he. Hon. J. Pickering. 

Letter from John Ross on the Affairs of the Cherokee Indians, 1836. 
MS. Minutes of Governor Saltonstall's Sermons while pastor in New 
London, 1689-90 ; MS. Experience of Wm. Adams, of Ipswich, who 
died 1659; MS. Minutes of Sermons from 1677 to 1684; Political 
Resolves, MS. ; History of Jemima Wilkinson, by David Hudson, 
1822. Rev. Henry Channing. 

Centennial Address, by Rev. G. Powars, of Goshen, Conn. 1830. 

A Friend. 
Centennial Discourse, by Rev. C. Durfee of South Church, Ded- 
ham, 1836. The Author. 

Three Discourses before the Congregational Society in Watertown, 
1836 ; Address at the Dedication of Eliot Hall, by B.'P. Williams. 

Rev. Convers Francis. 
Historical Discourses of the First Congregational Society in Provi- 
dence, R. I., 1836, by E. B. Hall. The Author. 

Centennial Discourse, by Rev. J. White, of Third Parish in Ded- 
ham, 1836. The Author. 

American Almanac, 1837. J. E. Worcester, Esq. 

First Annual Report of Western Rail Road Corporation, 1836 ; 
First, Second, and Third Annual Reports of South Cove Corporation. 

F. Jackson, Esq. 
Arte de la lengua general del regno de Chile. Lima, 1765. 

Stephen Codman, Esq. 
J. L. Homer's Address before the Massachusetts C. M. Society, 
1836. The Author. 

Collections of New Hampshire Historical Society, Vol. IV. 

The Society. 
Rev. Jasper Adams's Address to the Graduates of Charleston Insti- 
tution, S. C, 1836; ditto 1835; Sermon on Advent Sunday, 1835. 

The Author. 
Laws of the Colony of New Plymouth, by William Brigham, Esq. 
1836. Massachusetts Legislature. 

Annals of Liberality, he. 1834. - M.Carey. 

Globe Sketches of Debates 1st Session 24th Congress. 

Dr. Gamaliel Bradford. 
Portrait of Governor Endicott ; Voyages relative to the Discovery 
of America, and Catalogue of Books concerning America, Paris, 1837. 

Hon. F. C. Gray. 
Fathers of New-England, by Miss M. Clark, 1836. 

The Author. 

Acknowledgment of Donations, 299 

Memoirs of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey. Mr. William Minot. 

Journal of an Expedition to Canada, 1711. 

General H. A. S. Dearborn. 
List of Persons taxed in Boston, 1835; Audubon's Collection of 
Birds, 3 vols. /. P. Davis, Esq. 

Eulogy on James Madison. J. Q. Adams. 

Letters to Friends of Temperance. Hon. James Savage. 

Harvard University Treasurer's Statement. 

President Josiah Quincy. 
History of Worcester. William Lincoln, Esq. 

Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, Vol. II. 

The Society. 
Candid Address to the Unitarian Ministers in Boston and vicinity ; 
Portrait of " New Measures," 1835 ; Address of Rev. E. Jennings ; 
Sermon at the Ordination of Rev. S. Whittlesey, 1807. 

Dr. Jacob Porter. 
Ancient Books on Music. Rev. Mr. Sibley. 

Address before the Law Association, by Hon. J. Kent, N. Y. 1836 ; 
Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware, by Rev. John C. Clay, Phi- 
ladelphia, 1835. George Folsom, Esq., N. Y. 
Lecture before the Bangor Lyceum, by Rev. F. H. Hedge, 1836. 

The Author. 
Remarks and Documents as to preservation of Public Archives, by 
Richard Bartlett, Esq., of New York City, 1837. 

New Hampshire Historical Society. 
MS. Sermons of Rev. J. Eckley, D. D. to 1811. 

David EcMey, Esq. 
Report of Seaman's Aid Society, 1837. The Society. 

Letter from Rev. Mr. Baxter to Sebastian Rale ; Tour through 
Great Britain, Vol. IV., 1748; English Liberties, 1721. 

Mr. Daniel Adams. 
Board of War Papers, 1780. Mr. E. W. Cheever. 

Catalogue of Coins in the Museum of Joseph Huddart, Liburni, 
1795. Hon. John Davis. 

Anti-Slavery Tracts. Mr. Joshua Coffin, Philadelphia. 

A Gun, used at the Capture of Sir E. Andros. Mr. Gannett. 
Twenty-three volumes of the North American Review ; North 
American Review of January and April Nos., 1837. 

Professor J. G. Palfrey. 
MS. Papers. Mr. John Blunt. 

Representations of Captain Joshua Huddy, in a Report to Congress, 
by Mr. Storer. Mr. Storer. 

Sermon, by Bishop of Chester, 1757 ; Bibliotheca Politica, by 
James Tyrrell, of London, 1708. John Welles, Esq. 

History of the late Rebellion against King George by friends of the 
Popish Pretender, 1708. _ Mr. Charles W. Lovett. 

Transactions of the American Phil. Society, i837. The Society. 
Catalogue of P. B. K. of New York, 1837. 

Mr. E. Tuckerman, Jr. 

300 Acknowledgment of Donations. 

Abstract of Massachusetts School Returns for 1836, by J. P. Bige- 
low, Secretary of State. Rev. Joseph B. Felt. 

Historical Address at Dedham, by S. F. Haven, Esq. 1837. 

Rev. Mr. Lamson. 
Ditto. The Author. 

History of the World, or Mercator's Atlas, fol. 1635 ; Register 
1784, from 1787 to 1811, and ten duplicates. 

Mr. W. W. Pemberton. 
Reminiscences of Forty Years, by Rev. Dr. Pierce, 1837. 

The Author. 
Map of the City of Providence and of North Providence, 1835. 

Dr. Usher Parsons.